In a nutshell, in case this was not clear when you read my posting yesterday about Pope Francis' recent remarks regarding "gender theory" and the need for gay people to be accompanied pastorally: the word "accompany" has built right into it a reference to bread. We accompany others by sharing (cum) bread (panis). Those we accompany become our companions, those with whom we break bread.
Showing posts with label Charles Curran. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Charles Curran. Show all posts
Friday, October 7, 2016
Tuesday, November 27, 2012
Charles Curran Remembers Bernard Häring: "Hope Even in the Midst of Darkness"
At National Catholic Reporter, moral theologian Fr. Charles Curran offers a loving remembrance of his mentor Fr. Bernard Häring, who would have turned 100 on 10 November if he were still living. Curran sees in Häring a lesson in hope:
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Tuesday, October 30, 2012
More on Theological Implications of Mourdock's Rape Remark: Pre-Adolescent Moral Development and Political Consequences
There are a number of different ways to dissect the underlying theological argument of Richard Mourdock in his recent observation that pregnancies due to rape are intended by God. As journalist Tony Norman notes, one of the central theological questions we need to ask about Mourdock's observation is the following:
Tuesday, November 30, 2010
Charles Curran on U.S. Catholic Bishops' Current Abortion Teaching: Unfounded Certitude
National Catholic Reporter is running an excellent essay now by Catholic moral theologian Charles Curran. It's an abridgement of a chapter of his forthcoming book The Social Mission of the U.S. Catholic Church: A Theological Perspective. The essay focuses on the shift in the teaching of the U.S. Catholic bishops about abortion over the past forty years, and then critiques the ethical basis the bishops use to support their current position.
Monday, October 12, 2009
Engaging the Issues: Abortion as Murder, Genetic Evidence about the Beginning of a Human Person
As the posting I just uploaded notes, I’ve fallen behind in recognizing and responding to comments about my postings of the last several days. I appreciate the lively discussion about my weekend comments re: the abortion and health care debate. And I intend to take note of those postings soon, except when they’re part of a discussion between several respondents on which I don’t want to intrude.For now, I do want to engage several comments in the two weekend threads that, in my view, deserve attention. The first of these has to do with the question of whether abortion is murder.
I brought that topic up in a comment in the thread following Saturday’s posting. And then I said more about it in Sunday’s posting.
As I’ve noted, from early in the period following Roe v. Wade, when the Catholic response to that Supreme Court decision began to develop, I attended public seminars at some Catholic universities at which highly respected theologians questioned the accuracy or wisdom of the tactic of some pro-lifers to call abortion murder.
And then all careful, reasoned discussion of the topic of abortion got shut down in Catholic circles, and anyone working in Catholic institutions and asking for further discussion of this topic (as well as of sexual ethics and women’s ordination) was likely to find himself or herself out of a job and/or silenced. After what happened to Charles Curran, Catholic theologians have trodden very gingerly around these questions.
And, in my view, the result has been disastrous, not just for the church, but for the pro-life movement in general, insofar as it seeks to engage the general public and not merely true believers on the political and religious right. That movement has moved more and more away from reasoned discussion as its primary approach to shifting cultural views of life-oriented issues, and more and more towards what I called shouting and shoving in my weekend postings.
As I noted in those postings, I remember attending a seminar about abortion and the pro-life movement at my alma mater, Loyola University in New Orleans, not very long after Roe v. Wade came down. And as I also noted, I remember several elderly, very traditional, middle-of-the-road Jesuit theologians noting in that seminar that it is inaccurate and dangerous for some pro-lifers to call abortion murder.
Why did they make this assertion? In the first place, in traditional Catholic moral theology, the moral meaning of an act depends not merely on the act itself. It depends as well on what one intends by an act.
If a man backs his car over his wife and kills her without intending to do so, he is guilty of involuntary manslaughter. If he backs his car over his wife and kills her while fully intending to kill his wife, having premeditated the act, he is guilty of murder.
Same act. Two different intentions. And those different intentions radically alter the moral meaning of the act.
As those wise, traditional elderly Jesuit mentors noted in their seminar about abortion more than thirty years ago, when we call abortion murder, we are implying (and assuming) that anyone who chooses an abortion is deliberately, with malice aforethought, choosing to kill another human being.
And yet many of those who choose an abortion do not think about what they are doing in those terms at all. Many of those who choose an abortion in the very early stages of pregnancy (e.g., those who take the “morning-after” pill) are not at all convinced that they are ending a human life.
The decision of many of those who choose to end a pregnancy is anything but a deliberate, premeditated decision to murder a baby. The use of the term “murder” to characterize abortion in general muddies the waters and does not contribute to careful analysis of all that is going on in decisions to end a pregnancy, or all that is going on in the complex moral and civic debates about abortion.
And so, in part because that discussion was decisively shut down in the Catholic church, we have ended up with a pro-life movement that slings around the phrase “baby killer,” without making any distinction between what people believe, based on scientific evidence, is happening at the earliest stages of conception, as opposed to the later stages of pregnancy.
And we’ve ended up with a pro-life movement in which those shouting “baby-killer”are often likely to promote capital punishment, wars against our religious “enemies,” the denial of health care coverage to poor citizens including undocumented immigrants, racist ideologies, and abuse of gay and lesbian citizens. We’ve ended up with Randall Terry showing up at a Human Rights Campaign to wave a picture of a dismembered fetus.
What’s that all about? And how does it promote the pro-life movement and its central claims? How does it do so in any constructive, reasonable way that might bring more thinking, concerned people into the pro-life camp?
The second point I want to address is the claim that contemporary science validates the Catholic magisterial teaching that a human being is fully present at the moment of conception, from the moment sperm and ovum unite. Again, this is a claim that demands much careful, reasonable reflection. It demands discussion between a number of constituencies, including the scientific community.
If this claim means that there is unique genetic matter—DNA uniquely different from that of either the father or the mother—from the moment of conception, then that’s certainly a piece of information that needs to be taken into consideration by those debating abortion from a religious and/or philosophical standpoint.
But to say that there is unique genetic matter in the fertilized ovum is hardly the same thing as saying a human person is fully present in the zygote. As one respondent points out in the weekend threads, if a human person is present when sperm and ovum unite, what are we to make of the phenomenon of twinning—the division of some zygotes to form two and not one person at a point further down the road from conception? And what to make, as this poster also notes, of the fact that the twinned zygote also sometimes recombines into one zygote again?
The genetic and biological evidence is far more complex than the human-being-fully-present-at-conception position would like to have us believe. Given its complexity, if we want to promote an ethic of life and convince others in a pluralistic society, we need to do our homework and sit down with those others at the table and talk—not scream at them about their murderous ways and refusal to recognize that taking the morning-after pill is killing a baby.
The vast majority of fertilized ova do not implant in the womb. Nature is designed so that most concepta naturally abort. If they did not naturally abort, we’d be overrun with so many people in a short time that the resources of the earth would not sustain its population. One could well argue from a theological standpoint that God designs procreation in such a way that the majority of fertilized ova spontaneously abort, because life on this planet would be insupportable otherwise.
And, as other posters have noted, there’s a process, a time-coded one, by which those zygotes that do develop implant themselves in the uterine wall. That process does not occur at the moment of conception. Some of those who think about the morality of abortion nowadays have seen in this contemporary scientific finding evidence to support the very traditional theory of Aristotle and Aquinas following him, that the fetus does not attain the status of a person—does not become “ensouled”—until the moment of uterine implantation.
I have great difficulty imagining Aquinas, or contemporary believers or citizens who see a difference in the ontological status of the conceptus and the implanted zygote, as murderers or advocates of murder. We would have long since been better served, if we want the ethic of life to be taken seriously, to permit reasonable discussion (and education) about these issues.
Finally, it’s important to note that raw scientific data will never resolve complex questions about precisely when a human person is present in the process of conception, or when human life ends. These are both scientific and philosophical decisions. They require both scientists and philosophers at the table.
And yes, they also require religious adherents and theologians around the table. But not as final authorities issuing fiats that shut down the discussion.
Not, that is, if those believers hope to be taken seriously in a pluralistic society where reason and not ecclesial fiat is the path to moral consensus.
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
The Men Who Rule Us: Assuring Clerical Dominance
This is not an easy time in which to write. We’re preparing for a funeral. Even so, I don’t want to let my train of thought stop short. I offer the following reflections with the proviso that they are sketchy, written as my mind and heart are occupied with other matters now.I wrote last week about the shared interest of men—straight-identified men—in continuing their dominance in the leadership sectors of all mainstream churches. I wrote about how the system of clericalism—a system built on male domination of women, and on the domination of gay men by straight-presenting men—is a system deeply entrenched in all the mainstream churches. There is a shared interest among the leaders of the churches in seeing that the system of clerical control remains intact, an interest that transcends denominational boundary lines.
I’m aware that not all mainstream churches resist the ordination of women, as the Catholic and Orthodox churches do. Even so, I would argue that in those churches in which women are now able to be ordained (e.g., the United Methodist, Episcopal Church USA, Anglican, Presbyterian), men still strongly dominate. One would have to be blind not to see the manifold ways in which institutional power prefers men—straight-acting ones—over women in the structures of these churches.
No matter how brilliant a woman’s seminary career is, she is highly unlikely to step into a pastorate as plush as the one afforded to her straight-presenting male counterpart when seminary ends. And she is far less likely ever to capture the pulpit of the “first” churches of the denomination, the ones from whose pulpit “the” Methodist/Presbyterian, etc., voice is beamed out across a state each Sunday.
I long since gave up attending the annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion because I was, frankly, tired of rubbing shoulders with bearded, tweed-jacketed straight-presenting married men who claim to have the final word on matters religious. After I finished graduate school, I no longer had to choose to affiliate with these men who rule us. When it became obvious to me that I wouldn’t be accorded a voice, anyway, I gladly stopped rubbing shoulders with those of privileged voice, since I have my own thoughts to think, and nothing is more distracting than listening to empty cant when it postures as the final word.
Given the common interests of the system of clericalism across denominational lines, it is not surprising to discover how ready the Vatican or Orthodox patriarchs are today to shore up the “traditional” males-only, no-gay-allowed clerical system of the Anglican communion—even when the Vatican has long since declared Anglican orders invalid! Under the guise of defending orthodoxy and tradition, the men who rule us in the churches are actually defending their own clerical power and privilege, their exclusive right to represent the unitary voice that speaks on behalf of their communion. The future of Christianity is, to a great extent, being staked today on the single doctrine of male domination—of women and of men construed as feminine, due to their gay sexual orientation.
This is the why of clericalism and of its tremendous push to preserve (and extend) itself at this point in Christian history, at all costs. The how of clericalism is perhaps less obvious, less simple to analyze. It is less simple to analyze because the clerical system manages to maintain its control throughout the Christian communions by manifold expressions of power and privilege whose mechanisms are usually hidden from public view.
My own entry point for obtaining a glimpse of the system of clerical dominance in ugly operation has been in academic life. Last week, my friend Colleen Baker reported on her Enlightened Catholicism blog that Catholic theologian Rosemary Radford Ruether had recently been named to the Msgr. John R. Portman Chair of the University of San Diego—only to find herself summarily disinvited from the Chair after her appointment was announced (see http://enlightenedcatholicism-colkoch.blogspot.com/2008/07/rosemary-radford-ruether-loses-to.html). The university provost tells Ruether that the anonymous donor who provided funding for this chair had a different vision for it than Ruether represents.
Rosemary Ruether notes that the San Diego decision is troubling on several fronts—most of all, because it implicitly denies academic freedom to the faculty who chose her for the chair. It is important to me to note that 1) the donor’s name has not been made public; 2) the donor can exercise great influence over intra-collegial decisions while remaining hidden—an unenviable development, since this opens the door to allowing academic discourse to be “bought” by unnamed powerful interest groups; and 3) the secretiveness with which the matter is now being handled underscores Ruether’s point that academic freedom is being threatened.
Academic freedom by its very nature demands that controversial decisions such as this be brought into the light of day for open, free consideration within the collegial context. Whenever the leaders of an academic institution resort to the cover of darkness for their actions—when they refuse to allow the reasons for major decisions to be made public and discussed in the public forum—one can be assured that the reasons don’t bear scrutiny and won’t stand up under collegial investigation.
What happened to Rosemary Ruether at the University of San Diego is, unfortunately, becoming all too common in church-sponsored institutions of higher learning. Since theologians are the one “official” critical voice that, by its very calling, must continue to talk about issues even when church authorities have tabled them, and must pursue truth that the power centers of church and society wish to avoid facing, then for social and ecclesial power centers that wish to reduce the truth proclaimed by a religious community to a unitary voice, it is important to suppress the voices of theologians. As Ruether’s story illustrates, it is relatively easy—and becoming ever easier—for church leaders to accomplish this using sub rosa channels of economic power and influence within university structures in which the powerful behind-the-scenes players who assist church leaders in maintaining their dominance are never revealed.
We live at a moment in Christian history when we will be seeing more and more attempts to curb and norm the conversation within churches, and to place it under the direct control of church leaders intent on representing their voice as the voice of the communion. What happened to Rosemary Ruether brings to mind what happened to another Catholic theologian, Charles Curran, over a decade ago.
In 1990, after he was dumped by Catholic University of America when his teaching about homosexuality and birth control earned him Vatican censure, Curran was offered tenure at Auburn University in Alabama. After the appointment was made, however, the university president announced that he would not be giving tenure to Curran. No reason was provided for this decision. At the time, there was discussion of the possible influence of Mobile Catholic archbishop Oscar Lipscomb on the Auburn president’s decision. Curran reported that Lipscomb had admitted to him that he had discussed Curran’s case with a Catholic trustee at Auburn—though Lipscomb denied having sought to influence the Auburn decision.
Charles Curran filed suit against Catholic University for his termination, only to find that the court upheld the right of the university to fire faculty members—even tenured ones—on religious grounds. The Curran case has created an ugly precedent whereby church-affiliated schools can now freely violate the academic freedom of faculty members while citing religious privilege as they do so—though schools usually employ covert ways of curbing or dismissing faculty members rather than outright termination. They do so because, even with court-defended religious exemptions, academic accrediting societies still demand that schools pay lip service to academic freedom, if the schools expect to be accredited.
Stating that one is terminating a faculty member because his/her work violates the religious beliefs of the university places a school in the unenviable position of appearing not to respect academic freedom. It is simply easier to cook up some other spurious reason (e.g., “inability to cooperate with this administration,” “lack of collegiality”) for the termination, so as to avoid negative publicity and court battles.
What happened to Curran and to Rosemary Ruether illustrates how the power centers of churches control and disempower theologians today across denominational lines. They do so via hidden channels of influence that operate at the level of presidents and boards of trustees, channels never exposed to public scrutiny. When decisions such as the Ruether or Curran decision are made by presidents and boards of trustees, the true story of how the academic freedom of a theologian is violated is never told: the story of midnight calls to pressure a president, of threats to withhold funding, of moral emptiness on the part of university and church leaders, of manufactured reasons for dismissal or denial of tenure that have nothing to do with reality, of boards of trustees that will not hold presidents accountable even when the moral vacuity of a president is patent, and so on.
If there is any truth to Curran’s assertion that Archbishop Oscar Lipscomb played a role in Auburn’s decision to deny tenure to him (and I believe there is), then this story illustrates the collusion of power players beyond denominational lines, in the contemporary push to stop the voices of theologians. Auburn was Methodist-founded and is today a state university.
What interest could a Catholic bishop possibly have, or exert, in such an institution? And how could that interest be exerted? If answers to such questions were ever made public, we’d have a very clear picture, I believe, of how leaders of churches today (acting in collusion with each other and with powerful economic and political leaders) curb critical theological discourse in the academy in order to assure the continued dominance of the clerical system across denominational boundary lines, and the right of the men who rule the churches to speak unilaterally on behalf of “their” churches.
In such situations, one would expect accrediting bodies to play a significant role in assuring that academic freedom is respected. If a church-affiliated university freely violates the academic freedom of theologians, what is to prevent its doing something similar with professors of literature, sociology, biology, etc.? What university worth its name would willingly trample on the academic freedom of any of its faculty members?
Based on my own experiences within the academy, I am not sanguine about the role played by accrediting bodies in upholding academic freedom. As I have noted on this blog, I myself have had dismal experiences at two church-sponsored colleges/universities, both under the accreditation of the Southern Association of Colleges and Universities (SACS).
Both as an administrator in SACS-affiliated universities and as someone whose academic freedom was violated by universities accredited by SACS, I have observed that SACS bends over backwards to give the benefit of the doubt to the institution in cases in which faculty members report violations of academic freedom. In my first experience of being given a spurious terminal contract without any stated reason for the termination, and of being denied a written evaluation of my previous semester’s work, I met a brick wall when I reported what had happened to SACS.
Though I had ironclad proof that the academic vice-president had interfered in the operation of the college’s grievance committee, and though the refusal to provide a reason for my termination violates SACS’ own academic freedom statement, when I turned to SACS for support, SACS informed me that since the school had a grievance committee, I had had protection for my academic freedom. Never mind that this committee was a puppet committee that could not and did not act independently of the church authorities controlling the school . . . .
Because of this experience, I did not even bother turning to SACS on my second go-round at a SACS-accredited church-sponsored university. It was at this university that I was terminated without having even been given any evaluation of my year’s work—though, as I have noted on this blog, a document later came into my hands in which my supervisor reported to the board that a consultant who had been brought in to talk to me about SACS-accreditation issues had actually “evaluated” me and had recommended my termination.
I was never given this consultant’s report. I was not even told that he had “evaluated” me. I never had any evaluation of my work prior to my termination—a clear violation of SACS academic freedom regulations. The consultant brought in to “evaluate” me has published articles about the social construction of African-American manhood that are overtly homophobic. He is a Baptist Sunday School teacher. He is not even in the area in which he purportedly “evaluated” me—academic affairs—and is not even at a SACS-affiliated college. His knowledge of SACS standards was abysmal, I discovered when he met with me. If he “evaluated” me, he did so without ever having met me, on the basis of a single interview of an hour or so. And, given his background, it is impossible to imagine that his “evaluation” of me would in any way be unbiased. He was clearly brought in to do a hatchet job on an openly gay university administrator whose “lifestyle” he held in contempt, and he did his job well.
All of which is to say, it is not hard at all to silence theologians nowadays, particularly in church-affiliated universities, and especially in areas (such as the American Southeast) in which the commitment of academic accrediting bodies to academic freedom is weak when religious commitments are involved. When one takes into consideration the fact that laws protecting the rights of workers from wrongful termination are also weak in precisely the same areas of the country in which the churches’ right to terminate faculty on religious grounds is uncontested, one begins to understand why accrediting bodies in these areas are historically weak on academic freedom issues. To defend academic freedom, they would have to stand against strong currents of their culture—and against the powerful influence of the economic and political figures who collude with church leaders to silence critical voices.
There is a game-playing dimension to the way in which accrediting bodies go about investigating institutions of higher learning. As an academic administrator, time and again, I have seen accrediting bodies send to a church-affiliated college a team of investigators heavily weighted with team members from the denomination that sponsors the school in question.
When one considers that almost all presidents of universities sponsored by a particular institution have strong institutional ties to the governing structures of the denomination controlling their university, one can understand how it is that most accrediting visits don’t probe critically into allegations that academic freedom of faculty has been violated on religious grounds. In order to move some academic accrediting bodies in the direction of a defense of academic freedom, one would have to transform the culture of the accrediting bodies themselves: to the extent that they continue to be old-boys’ networks dominated by those with ties to church-affiliated colleges and universities, they will continue not to have a strong interest in promoting academic freedom or investigating cases in which universities they accredit have violated academic freedom of faculty on religious grounds.
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And now for a change of subject: since this and previous postings focus on bishops and church governing bodies, I would like to take this opportunity to note the reappointment of a United Methodist bishop whose name has figured in previous postings on this blog. I’m referring to Bishop Timothy Whitaker of the Florida United Methodist Conference.
Bishop Whitaker has just been re-appointed to another quadrennial term as UMC Bishop of Florida. Florida interests me for a number of reasons outlined in previous postings on this blog, including the growing number of cases of violent assault of LGBT citizens in that state. This is also a state in which an explicitly anti-gay initiative is on the ballot for the next election cycle.
It’s a state, in other words, in which the churches’ pastoral efforts can do either much harm or cause much woe. As Florida deals with its issues with gay citizens, it’s interesting to note that, pastorally speaking, the central part of the state is now solidly under the control of bishops representing different churches, all of whom have taken public stands that many gay citizens see as less than welcoming to the gay community.
As a posting on this blog notes, at the most recent United Methodist General Assembly, Bishop Whitaker chaired the discussion that resulted in a vote to continue the current language of the Book of Discipline which sees the practice of homosexuality as incompatible with Christian life (see http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/05/we-are-all-care-of-one-another.html). My posting noted that participants in the debate at General Assembly were concerned with how Bishop Whitaker used parliamentary procedure to offset debate and to pave the way for a final statement in favor of the current policy by Rev. Eddie Fox, Director of UMC World Evangelism.
In a previous posting on this blog, I have also noted that the Catholic bishop of Orlando, Bishop Thomas Wenski, published a resoundingly anti-gay editorial in a newspaper in June (see http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/07/and-speaking-of-discrimination.html). Bishop Wenski calls for a continuation of the culture wars that have had such dismal effects on gay persons.
I have not touched previously on the Episcopal Bishop of Central Florida, Bishop John W. Howe. I should note that Bishop Howe appears to hold positions similar to those of his colleagues Bishops Whitaker and Wenski on gay persons and their inclusion in the church. All three of these gentlemen appear resolved to hold the line on gay persons and gay rights.
It would be interesting to know if any church-affiliated colleges or universities in this region manage to safeguard the right of faculty members to discuss gay and lesbian persons in a way that is more inclusive of these persons in the body of Christ . . . .
Rev. Whitaker’s friend Rev. Fox has been in the news again recently, and once again, in a way that makes clear his intent to continue defending the Methodist hard line against gay persons. When the California-Pacific and the California-Nevada Annual UMC Conferences both recently approved gay marriage and expressed support for pastors marrying gay couples, Rev. Fox responded by stating, "We've made it clear we adhere to biblical teaching and Christian tradition. Ninety-eight percent of Christians around the world believe marriage is between one man and one woman, so we're not out of step in our ecumenical relationships with Christians around the world" (see http://religionblog.dallasnews.com/archives/2008/07/california-umc-legislative-bod.html).
It would be difficult to imagine a United Methodist university in which Rev. Fox has influence giving hospitality to a theologian who calls for open dialogue about the place of LGBT persons in the churches, or for critical discourse about the disparity between what the churches proclaim about being welcoming places for gay believers, and how they actually behave towards LGBT persons. Fox and those allied with him seem far more intent on shutting down this conversation, than they are on pursuing it.
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