Showing posts with label Daytona Beach. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Daytona Beach. Show all posts

Sunday, February 1, 2009

Reissuing the Appeal: Open Letter to Barack Obama on HBCUs and Homophobia

The following is an open letter to Mr. Obama that I published on this blog on 19 September last year. Since I published this piece prior to his election and he has now been elected, I want to reissue it, as a way of keeping my appeal to the new president open, to find ways to address the homophobia that troubles our society in so many ways. My 19 September letter follows:

Dear Mr. Obama:

To address this open letter to you, I am interrupting a thread on this blog that touches on painful personal experiences of homophobia in my professional life. Those experiences have resulted in my being unemployed and without health insurance at age 58—despite my proven track record of hard, productive, successful work.

My unemployment and lack of access to health care have everything to do with the fact that I have chosen not to hide that I am openly gay, and have lived my entire adult life in a committed relationship with another openly gay man.

Despite my lack of income and the dwindling of the scant retirement funds I’ve been able to save while working in church-owned universities (most of them HBCUs), I have donated repeatedly to your campaign. I have done so because I support your policies. I am working hard in every way I can to assist your election.

I have been particularly impressed by your willingness to address the unconscionable stigmatization and marginalization of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered persons in our democratic society. I have noted with delight your willingness to speak truth about the ugliness of homophobia to your own African-American brothers and sisters.

When you challenged homophobia at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta last January, I was moved profoundly—as I was also moved by your courage when you addressed these issues again before an audience not likely to share your views in Beaumont, Texas, in February. I have been equally impressed with your wife’s clarity and courage about these issues. I appreciate your support and that of your wife. This is among the reasons you have my vote, as well as that of many members of my family.

For this reason, I am respectfully asking you to think about your opportunity and responsibility, as you speak at HBCUs, to continue calling your own African-American brothers and sisters, and our nation at large, to recognize and address the ugly phenomenon of homophobia. I note that you will speak tomorrow at an HBCU in Daytona Beach—Bethune-Cookman University. I feel certain that you will be speaking at a number of HBCUs during this campaign.

This is as it ought to be. HBCUs have played a significant and often unrecognized role in the educational life of our nation. They have historically graduated, and they continue to graduate, the majority of African Americans who go on to earn doctorates in the U.S.

However, as I am sure you are aware, many HBCUs lack policies prohibiting discrimination against gay faculty, staff, administrators, and students. I have addressed these issues repeatedly on this Bilgrimage blog. A search of the blog for the term “HBCU” will link anyone who wants to examine this issue to numerous studies and statements about the track record of HBCUs, vis-à-vis homophobic discrimination.

I believe I have a right (and an obligation) to address the issue of anti-gay discrimination in HBCUs for a number of reasons. First, I’m a citizen who has long worked for equal rights for everyone in our democratic society, and, in particular, for those shoved away from the table of participatory democracy.

Second, I am a theologian whose vocational life has been centered on calling churches and religious groups to greater awareness of the mechanisms by which social structures stigmatize and exclude scapegoated groups. In my view, faith communities do not have the right to expect to command attention as credible moral guides, when, in their own practices, they violate key moral principles including the obligation to reach out and include the marginalized, or the obligation to refrain from harming those already harmed by structures of social exclusion.

Third, at the beginning of my career as a theologian, I deliberately chose to work in HBCUs. At the outset of my career, I had the opportunity either to take a highly paid position at a prestigious majority-culture university, or a modestly paid position at an HBCU, Xavier University in New Orleans.

I chose Xavier, and did so gladly, though my starting salary was $15,500 (to the best of my recollection) in 1984. The impulse to serve and give to those in need that brought me to the vocation of theology in the first place, as well as my history as a white Southerner who came of age in the Civil Rights period, made it obvious to me that I had an important obligation (and graced opportunity) to offer my talents, such as they are, to HBCUs.

In the narrative I am interrupting to address this letter to you, I am speaking forthrightly about the economic effects my choice to work in HBCUs has had on my life and that of my partner Steve Schafer. We both knew when we accepted jobs at HBCUs that we would never enjoy lives of economic luxury.

I spent almost two decades teaching and doing administrative work in HBCUs. During those two decades, from 1984 up to my last year in an HBCU (2006-2007), I never earned a salary in excess of $60,000 until my final year as academic vice-president at an HBCU. At Philander Smith College in Little Rock, I had the honor of serving as academic dean for a number of years. Even in that position—one that involved intense work—I drew a salary of only $29,000 for several years, until the president told me that she considered it an embarrassment to the college that it was paying its dean such a salary.

I am not complaining. I am not seeking to embarrass or adversely affect any particular HBCU, in writing this letter. I knew when I began working at HBCUs that I would not enjoy economic comfort. It was a privilege, an honor, to work in HBCUs, to have the opportunity to give something to a community that has suffered historic marginalization. I gave without expecting thanks.

What I did not expect, however, was to be slapped in the face because I am openly gay. That, unfortunately, was my experience at one HBCU, where, when the harassment began, I discovered, I had no legal recourse to protect myself against misrepresentation of my work record, and deeply personal vilification of my character.

At this institution, I had again been honored to accept the position of academic vice-president, though I was told that the salary I was being offered was some $30,000 less than that offered to my predecessor. It was enough to be wanted, to be needed, to be allowed to serve.

It was a delight, too, to have a salary that permitted me to give more than I had ever been able to give in the past. When I found that my salary included an augment from a state grant program in the amount of $20,000, I divided the augment in half and gave half of that amount to my associate, who, in my view, worked as hard as I did and deserved as much reward. In the year in which my partner Steve Schafer and I worked for this HBCU, together we donated more to the school than all other members of the university leadership team combined.

I will not rehearse the full story. Due to legal threats on the part of the same HBCU that has rewarded my hard work and that of my partner with such shameful and ugly treatment for our years of hard work and sacrifice in HBCUs, I am not even permitted to tell the whole story.

And I know that as a presidential candidate, you can do nothing about a situation of conflict between a former employee and an employer. What you can do, however, and what I believe you must do, to be true to your principles, is to call each and every HBCU at which you speak to accountability regarding issues of sexual orientation.

May I respectfully ask that, if an HBCU at which you speak has no policy forbidding discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation, you call the HBCU to accountability about its obligation to forbid such discrimination through official policy statements? Please also call on HBCUs to implement support groups for faculty, staff, and students dealing with issues of sexual orientation. Please ask HBCUs to form task forces to educate their own constituencies, as well as the public at large, about the damage that homophobia does in our society.

Please challenge HBCUs not to harass openly gay employees or students, not to issue written demands that openly gay employees refrain from traveling or making doctors’ visits with their partners, when such demands are not issued to married couples working for the same institution. Please call on HBCUs and their leaders not to demean gay employees and students, and not to punish gay employees and students who promote dialogue about homophobia in the campus community.

The state in which you will be speaking tomorrow is one with an alarming record when it comes to recent incidents of gay-bashing. Historically, HBCUs have been a part of the solution and not a part of the problem, when it comes to significant social issues affecting minorities. The prophetic African-American leader Mary McLeod Bethune, who founded the institution at which you will speak tomorrow, asked that HBCUs create town-hall meetings in which those shoved from the table of participatory democracy could gather together to discuss solutions to the problems they experienced.

Please continue Dr. Bethune’s legacy as you speak at Bethune-Cookman and other HBCUs. Please continue to remind HBCUs of their commitment to include, to refrain from discrimination, to refrain from harming those already harmed by social stigmatization. Please assist all of us who are working for justice within the faith communities of this nation, as we call on those who talk the talk to walk the walk. Faith-based institutions, including HBCUs and their leaders, should not have the luxury of representing themselves as opposed to discrimination, while they practice discrimination towards their LGBT brothers and sisters.

Thank you for hearing my plea. It comes from the heart.

Respectfully yours,

William D. Lindsey.

Monday, November 17, 2008

Corporate Greed and American Higher Education: More Signs of Leadership Failure


Troubling news today about the growing disconnect between the values American higher education actually practices in its allocation of salaries, and those it proclaims as it inculcates democratic values in students.

A study to be released on Monday in the Chronicle for Higher Education shows that, in this period of economic downturn when faculty salaries remain frozen or are declining and when tuition is rising, salaries for university presidents at public universities are growing rather than declining. As Joel Siegel’s ABC summary of the Chronicle report, “College Presidents Cashing In, Study Says,” notes,

The number of college and university presidents taking home eye-popping paychecks continues to climb even as more and more students have trouble paying their tuition bills. Fifty-nine presidents of public universities reeled in more than $500,000 in salary and benefits during the 2007-08 academic year, more than double the number who broke the half-million mark three years earlier, according to a survey by the Chronicle of Higher Education released on Monday (www.abcnews.go.com/US/story?id=6266263&page=1).

As Senator Charles E. Grassley of the Senate Finance Committee observes, “It’s surprising that many public universities are raising their presidents’ salaries. In these hard economic times, apparently belt-tightening is for families and students, not university presidents” (see Tamar Lewin, “Presidents’ Pay Rises Faster at Public Universities Than Private Ones, Survey Finds,” www.nytimes.com/2008/11/17/education/17college.html?partner=permalink&exprod=permalink). Grassley concludes that the Chronicle’s study “shows that the executive suite seems insulated from budget crunches" (www.abcnews.go.com/US/story?id=6266263&page=1).

As Sigel notes, “College presidents defend their compensation packages, saying they function, in effect, as chief executives overseeing complex, multibillion-dollar enterprises and are still paid far less than CEOs in other lines of work.” The Chronicle report also indicates that presidents of private universities have, in general, always been paid more than those of public institutions. The rise in pay scale in recent years is particularly noticeable in publicly funded universities.

As Bilgrimage readers know, my concern with this issue has to do with the role institutions of higher education play in shaping the values of graduates (see, e.g., http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/10/leadership-crisis-role-of-american.html).
In many previous postings on this topic, I’ve noted that, in the American democratic experiment, taxes and donors lavishly support higher education (both public and private) because Americans assume that universities help build a democratic culture by instilling in students the values necessary to sustain such a culture.

This was a key insight of the educational and social philosophy of the pioneering African-American educator Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune, whose work I have often quoted on this blog. When she founded her own college, Bethune-Cookman at Daytona Beach, Florida, Dr. Bethune explicitly built the values component everywhere into its curriculum, because she believed that colleges have a critical role to play in building a participatory democracy that brings everyone to the table.

Dr. Bethune also insisted that institutions of higher learning should model inclusive participatory democracy, since students learn what they experience and see more than what they are told. Her belief in the role of colleges as learning “collaboratories” led her to create a cross-racial and cross-cultural leadership team for her new college, as well as to sponsor public forums at which members of various communities could meet and discuss their shared concerns, collaborating as equals in solving social problems and involving students in the democratic process.

Colleges and universities play a premier role in keeping democracy alive and extending its values—in building a democracy that actually fulfills the founders’ ideals by achieving ful participattion. They cannot play that role when their own practices belie the values they proclaim.

Rising pay for those at the top of the university pay scale—while faculty salaries do not rise and tuition is increased—sends a contradictory signal regarding values to a university’s constituencies and to the public at large. It suggests that universities value the culture of corporations more than the culture of democracy.

The claim of university presidents to merit higher pay because they are CEOs should trouble anyone interested in the values American higher education has traditionally served. In order to be educational leaders, university presidents need to value education rather than profit. University boards should be rewarding educational excellence and success in teaching values, not dollar signs. University leaders who see themselves as CEOs rather than educators have departed from core values essential to the mission of higher education, if it is to fulfill its traditional function in the democratic social contract.

One of the primary reasons our nation is now on the brink of cultural collapse is the failure of its institutions of higher learning to produce leaders for a new millennium. And universities can not produce good leaders when their own leadership is shoddy—when this leadership models itself around values of the corporate boardroom and not of the academy.

The choice of university boards to reward CEO-presidents with obscenely large paychecks and perks and privileges that often extend those paychecks even more than the public realizes (particularly in private institutions, where salaries and perks are often not disclosed), is a dismal choice. I hope that in a period of concerted effort to rebuild our democratic culture, university boards will begin to pay attention to the values their institutions should be serving, and not primarily to charts showing higher profit margins.

Otherwise we’re lost.

Saturday, October 11, 2008

News of the Week: Sally's Baaack; Church of the Two Kevins, etc.

Strands that connect to topics I’ve discussed earlier this week:

There’s a lot more evidence of (and commentary about) the hate now bubbling around through the Palin-McCain rallies this past week. I won’t link to the articles, since readers can easily retrieve them through web searches.

In a way, I’m conflicted about even giving attention to them. A superstitious part of me feels that noticing rising social hatred, and pointing out its possibility to elicit actual violence, actually help feed the hatred.

On the other hand, when the sub rosa hatred that is always there in any society claims an open hearing in the rhetoric of people vying for the highest offices in the land, how can one justify not speaking out? There are too many clear historical precedents that show us how little it takes to produce actual physical violence, once such hate unmasks itself and comes out into the open,

If now is not the time to speak out, when will that time be?

+ + + + +

Connecticut legalized gay marriage yesterday. It is now the third state to recognize the right of gay citizens to marry. Commentary on the state supreme court decision to equalize marriage rights in Connecticut notes that the majority opinion recognizes that the decision to withhold marriage rights from gay citizens is inherently discriminatory (www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/10/10/connecticut-gay-marriage_n_133605.html). Withholding the right of marriage from gays continues historic structures of discrimination that turn gays into second-class citizens. The court notes that the tendency of American jurisprudence is to keep extending rights over the course of history to groups shut out of the structures of participatory democracy by unjust discrimination, including people of color and women.

I’m disappointed to hear that Republican governor M. Jodi Rell disagreed with her state’s supreme court decision, noting, "I do not believe their voice reflects the majority of the people of Connecticut.” In looking at Rell’s biography, I find she was born in Virginia in 1946. She was educated in Virginia.

She’s roughly my contemporary. Like me, Governor Rell came of age in a Southern state during the Civil Rights crisis. It cannot have escaped her attention that the majority of citizens in her state, as in mine, as in all Southern states, bitterly resisted the rights of African Americans in the 1950s and 1960s.

We had to be brought kicking and screaming into the land of liberty and justice for all. We had to be forced to do the right thing. It took the U.S. Supreme Court to make us begin to reconsider our longstanding history of discrimination.

Equal rights for all should not be determined by popular vote. They should be determined by fundamental principles that are essential to the constitution of a humane body politic. They should be defended by courts even when those rights are not popular with the majority—defended because it is right to defend equality in a society based on the contention that all people are created equal.

Governor Rell should know this, from her experience growing up in the South in the Civil Rights period. I am disappointed that she defends a denial of equal rights in the case of gay citizens that I doubt she would any longer defend in the case of African-American citizens.

+ + + + +

Two more U.S. Catholic bishops have come out this week. That is, have come out overtly for the Republican ticket in the coming election.

Whispers in the Loggia blog today reports on a joint pastoral letter released yesterday by the bishops of Dallas-Ft. Worth, Kevin Farrell and Kevin Vann (http://whispersintheloggia.blogspot.com). The two Kevins argue that a “vote for a candidate who supports the intrinsic evil of abortion or 'abortion rights' when there is a morally acceptable alternative would be to cooperate in the evil -- and, therefore, [is] morally impermissible."

As American Catholics have learned, this is codespeak for, “Good Catholics vote Republican.” I’ve long been appalled that Catholic bishops are willing to pimp for candidates who in key respects betray central Catholic values. The “pro-life” record of the candidates some bishops have promoted in election after election is abysmal. It completely contradicts the claim that the party being endorsed by the bishops is authentically pro-life.

Since we have sufficient evidence now that the candidates for whom some bishops have been pimping have absolutely no intent to be pro-life, why do bishops like the two Kevins keep up the pro-Republican game? Sadly, I’ve come to the conclusion that they do so because some of the “values” of the candidates they’re promoting—including some of the most dubious of those candidates’ “values”—are actually more in line with what bishops like the two Kevins really want than are gospel values. “Values” like the subordination of women to men. “Values” like the subordination of secular society to church control. “Values” like the racism that is at the dark heart of those screams to kill Obama at recent Palin rallies.

To say I am disappointed in bishops like the two Kevins would be an understatement. I’m repulsed by them. Ultimately, I am repulsed most of all because they are willingly informing a large number of good, conscientious Catholic voters that we are not welcome in the Church of the Two Kevins. That Church is Republican, thank you very much. Democrats need not apply.

+ + + + +

I reported earlier this week that the city of Orlando has just extended benefits to partners of city workers living in same-sex unions. I also reported (in my posting about “Camp Out”) about one church that is seeking to provide safe places, sanctuary, in which LGBT youth can deal with questions of sexual orientation without fear.

As a follow-up to both of those postings, I’m happy to note an article in today’s Daytona Beach News Journal which highlights a gay-affirming fraternity at Embry Riddle University (www.news-journalonline.com/NewsJournalOnline/News/Headlines/frtHEAD02101108.htm). The article reports that Delta Phi Lambda fraternity on the campus of this Florida aeronautical school welcomes gay members.

Embry Riddle’s decision to allow safe spaces for LGBT students is not without a price. As the report indicates, after news of the fraternity broke (as well as news that the school had begun a Gay-Straight Alliance and had celebrated National Coming Out Week), at least one angry parent called to say that he/she did not want “gay things” going on at the university.

Despite the anger of that parent, the school’s administrators continue to support these gay-affirming developments on the campus. I applaud their courage. During the Civil Rights struggle of the 1950s and 1960s, it was often not easy to do the right thing. It is not easy today, in the midst of the struggle for equal rights for gay Americans. When university administrators defend the core values of civil society in the face of prejudiced pressure groups, they deserve our admiration and support.

The right thing remains right, even when people exert pressure to make us betray our instinct for fundamental human decency. Young people moving towards adult identity deserve safe spaces in which to claim their adult identity. They deserve good adult role models to guide and counsel them. This is a large part of what college education is about: adult role models helping emerging adults find their way in the world, their unique identities, their calling in life.

Just as universities provide countless support groups for students of every background imaginable, they have a responsibility to offer support and safety to LGBT students. After all, parents who do not want such support offered to their youth can always find universities that still engage in overt discrimination. Church-owned schools have tested their legal right to discriminate on religious grounds in the courts. Surely there are such schools around for those angry Embry Riddle parents to find, if an environment of discrimination is what they want for their young people.

+ + + + +

Speaking of discrimination, I haven’t mentioned Oklahoma state legislator Sally Kern in a while. As readers will recall, Kern was in the news earlier this year when someone attending a secret meeting she held with supporters leaked audiotape of the meeting to the media. The tape has Kern stating that gay people are a greater threat to America than terrorists.

Kern is back in the news. This week, she held a debate with opponent Ron Marlett, in which she sticks to her guns (www.pamshouseblend.com/showDiary.do?diaryId=7500). She continues to promote her claim that gay citizens pose a greater threat to the United States than terrorists. She backs this astonishing claim with statistics: terrorists have 3,000 people in the U.S. in the last 15 years; gays have killed 100,000.

Kern is, readers will recall, the wife of a Baptist minister. And she’s an educator. Her opponent Ron Marlett finds her ideas “chilling.”

Indeed. Question for Governor M. Jodi Rell of Connecticut: after listening to Sally Kern, do you have second thoughts about wanting to submit the rights of some marginalized citizens to popular vote? Question for the bishops of the Church of the Two Kevins: is this kind of hatefulness—in the name of Christ—really what you want us to support by our votes?

As always, just asking.

Friday, September 19, 2008

An Open Letter to Barack Obama: HBCUs and Homophobia

Dear Mr. Obama:

To address this open letter to you, I am interrupting a thread on this blog that touches on painful personal experiences of homophobia in my professional life. Those experiences have resulted in my being unemployed and without health insurance at age 58—despite my proven track record of hard, productive, successful work.

My unemployment and lack of access to health care have everything to do with the fact that I have chosen not to hide that I am openly gay, and have lived my entire adult life in a committed relationship with another openly gay man.

Despite my lack of income and the dwindling of the scant retirement funds I’ve been able to save while working in church-owned universities (most of them HBCUs), I have donated repeatedly to your campaign. I have done so because I support your policies. I am working hard in every way I can to assist your election.

I have been particularly impressed by your willingness to address the unconscionable stigmatization and marginalization of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered persons in our democratic society. I have noted with delight your willingness to speak truth about the ugliness of homophobia to your own African-American brothers and sisters.

When you challenged homophobia at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta last January, I was moved profoundly—as I was also moved by your courage when you addressed these issues again before an audience not likely to share your views in Beaumont, Texas, in February. I have been equally impressed with your wife’s clarity and courage about these issues. I appreciate your support and that of your wife. This is among the reasons you have my vote, as well as that of many members of my family.

For this reason, I am respectfully asking you to think about your opportunity and responsibility, as you speak at HBCUs, to continue calling your own African-American brothers and sisters, and our nation at large, to recognize and address the ugly phenomenon of homophobia. I note that you will speak tomorrow at an HBCU in Daytona Beach—Bethune-Cookman University. I feel certain that you will be speaking at a number of HBCUs during this campaign.

This is as it ought to be. HBCUs have played a significant and often unrecognized role in the educational life of our nation. They have historically graduated, and they continue to graduate, the majority of African Americans who go on to earn doctorates in the U.S.

However, as I am sure you are aware, many HBCUs lack policies prohibiting discrimination against gay faculty, staff, administrators, and students. I have addressed these issues repeatedly on this Bilgrimage blog. A search of the blog for the term “HBCU” will link anyone who wants to examine this issue to numerous studies and statements about the track record of HBCUs, vis-à-vis homophobic discrimination.

I believe I have a right (and an obligation) to address the issue of anti-gay discrimination in HBCUs for a number of reasons. First, I’m a citizen who has long worked for equal rights for everyone in our democratic society, and, in particular, for those shoved away from the table of participatory democracy.

Second, I am a theologian whose vocational life has been centered on calling churches and religious groups to greater awareness of the mechanisms by which social structures stigmatize and exclude scapegoated groups. In my view, faith communities do not have the right to expect to command attention as credible moral guides, when, in their own practices, they violate key moral principles including the obligation to reach out and include the marginalized, or the obligation to refrain from harming those already harmed by structures of social exclusion.

Third, at the beginning of my career as a theologian, I deliberately chose to work in HBCUs. At the outset of my career, I had the opportunity either to take a highly paid position at a prestigious majority-culture university, or a modestly paid position at an HBCU, Xavier University in New Orleans.

I chose Xavier, and did so gladly, though my starting salary was $15,500 (to the best of my recollection) in 1984. The impulse to serve and give to those in need that brought me to the vocation of theology in the first place, as well as my history as a white Southerner who came of age in the Civil Rights period, made it obvious to me that I had an important obligation (and graced opportunity) to offer my talents, such as they are, to HBCUs.

In the narrative I am interrupting to address this letter to you, I am speaking forthrightly about the economic effects my choice to work in HBCUs has had on my life and that of my partner Steve Schafer. We both knew when we accepted jobs at HBCUs that we would never enjoy lives of economic luxury.

I spent almost two decades teaching and doing administrative work in HBCUs. During those two decades, from 1984 up to my last year in an HBCU (2006-2007), I never earned a salary in excess of $60,000 until my final year as academic vice-president at an HBCU. At Philander Smith College in Little Rock, I had the honor of serving as academic dean for a number of years. Even in that position—one that involved intense work—I drew a salary of only $29,000 for several years, until the president told me that she considered it an embarrassment to the college that it was paying its dean such a salary.

I am not complaining. I am not seeking to embarrass or adversely affect any particular HBCU, in writing this letter. I knew when I began working at HBCUs that I would not enjoy economic comfort. It was a privilege, an honor, to work in HBCUs, to have the opportunity to give something to a community that has suffered historic marginalization. I gave without expecting thanks.

What I did not expect, however, was to be slapped in the face because I am openly gay. That, unfortunately, was my experience at one HBCU, where, when the harassment began, I discovered, I had no legal recourse to protect myself against misrepresentation of my work record, and deeply personal vilification of my character.

At this institution, I had again been honored to accept the position of academic vice-president, though I was told that the salary I was being offered was some $30,000 less than that offered to my predecessor. It was enough to be wanted, to be needed, to be allowed to serve.

It was a delight, too, to have a salary that permitted me to give more than I had ever been able to give in the past. When I found that my salary included an augment from a state grant program in the amount of $20,000, I divided the augment in half and gave half of that amount to my associate, who, in my view, worked as hard as I did and deserved as much reward. In the year in which my partner Steve Schafer and I worked for this HBCU, together we donated more to the school than all other members of the university leadership team combined.

I will not rehearse the full story. Due to legal threats on the part of the same HBCU that has rewarded my hard work and that of my partner with such shameful and ugly treatment for our years of hard work and sacrifice in HBCUs, I am not even permitted to tell the whole story.

And I know that as a presidential candidate, you can do nothing about a situation of conflict between a former employee and an employer. What you can do, however, and what I believe you must do, to be true to your principles, is to call each and every HBCU at which you speak to accountability regarding issues of sexual orientation.

May I respectfully ask that, if an HBCU at which you speak has no policy forbidding discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation, you call the HBCU to accountability about its obligation to forbid such discrimination through official policy statements? Please also call on HBCUs to implement support groups for faculty, staff, and students dealing with issues of sexual orientation. Please ask HBCUs to form task forces to educate their own constituencies, as well as the public at large, about the damage that homophobia does in our society.

Please challenge HBCUs not to harass openly gay employees or students, not to issue written demands that openly gay employees refrain from traveling or making doctors’ visits with their partners, when such demands are not issued to married couples working for the same institution. Please call on HBCUs and their leaders not to demean gay employees and students, and not to punish gay employees and students who promote dialogue about homophobia in the campus community.

The state in which you will be speaking tomorrow is one with an alarming record when it comes to recent incidents of gay-bashing. Historically, HBCUs have been a part of the solution and not a part of the problem, when it comes to significant social issues affecting minorities. The prophetic African-American leader Mary McLeod Bethune, who founded the institution at which you will speak tomorrow, asked that HBCUs create town-hall meetings in which those shoved from the table of participatory democracy could gather together to discuss solutions to the problems they experienced.

Please continue Dr. Bethune’s legacy as you speak at Bethune-Cookman and other HBCUs. Please continue to remind HBCUs of their commitment to include, to refrain from discrimination, to refrain from harming those already harmed by social stigmatization. Please assist all of us who are working for justice within the faith communities of this nation, as we call on those who talk the talk to walk the walk. Faith-based institutions, including HBCUs and their leaders, should not have the luxury of representing themselves as opposed to discrimination, while they practice discrimination towards their LGBT brothers and sisters.

Thank you for hearing my plea. It comes from the heart.

Respectfully yours,

William D. Lindsey.



Note to readers: once again, I would like to call on readers of this blog for any assistance you may be able to offer. I intend in every way possible to circulate this letter and to see that it reaches the attention of Mr. Obama. If blog readers can assist in this task, I will be deeply grateful. My counter shows that 546 people from around the world read this blog the second day after Andrew Sullivan kindly mentioned it on his Daily Dish blog. My hope is that among those readers, someone will have the ability to see that this letter reaches Mr. Obama. Thanks!

Wednesday, July 16, 2008

Hate Crime in Daytona Beach: The Continuing Pertinence of Mary McLeod Bethune

News of a horrible hate crime in Daytona Beach. According to Mark I. Johnson and Seth Robbins, “Driver Charged with Hate Crime after Bicyclist Run Down,” yesterday Thomas Darryl Cosby was charged with a hate crime after he deliberately ran down an African-American woman the day before (www.news-journalonline.com/NewsJournalOnline/News/Headlines/frtHEAD02EAST071608.htm). Simply because she is black.

The allegation is that, Monday evening, Cosby ran his sedan off the street in Daytona Beach, careening into Mekeda Cato, who suffered a badly broken leg and internal injuries. His car then crashed, at which point, Cosby emerged from it, inciting bystanders to racial violence and shouting that African Americans should be returned to Africa.

This story catches my attention for a number of reasons. First, it’s a story illustrating the violence to which minority communities are still all too frequently subjected. And when such events occur, news coverage is often spotty and localized. We all, as part of the body politic, need to listen more carefully to the stories told by members of various minority communities about violence to which they are subjected, simply because they belong to a marginalized group.

Second, Steve and I lived for over a year in Port Orange, which happens to be where Mr. Cosby also lives. In fact, we own a house there, one we have been unable to sell, since we acquired it as a result of promises made to us that were revoked after we made the crucial decision to put ourselves in debt by purchasing the house.

So I feel a certain personal connection with this story. We often biked along the sidewalks of this city and neighboring ones, including Daytona Beach.

Third, as readers of this blog know, I have a very strong interest in the life and work of that important 20th-century African-American educator, Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune. Dr. Bethune founded a college in Daytona Beach, now known as Bethune-Cookman University.

As various postings on this blog have noted, Dr. Bethune developed a powerful pedagogical theory underscoring the links between education and participatory democracy. As did Bayard Rustin, the African-American Quaker thinker-activist whose work I have also cited frequently, Dr. Bethune considered American democracy unfinished business.

Both of these prophetic black leaders noted that democracy is an ideal that has not yet been fully realized. Both maintained that democracy will be realized—will be extended, will move from ideal to real—as the body politic recognizes that some groups within our society are disenfranchised and must be brought to the table.

Both Dr. Bethune and Bayard Rustin stressed the need for safe spaces in which marginal communities can come together with the mainstream community for dialogue, interaction, and development of a vision of the common good that will serve the needs of all. Dr. Bethune built such town-gown meetings into the educational philosophy and practice of the college she founded.

In these meetings, Dr. Bethune modeled the kind of inclusivity that she challenged American democracy to develop. Dr. Bethune’s town-gown meetings gave no privileged place to any group. In a time and place in which whites were expected to occupy seats of honor and blacks to sit at the back of the room, Dr. Bethune opened her doors to everyone, with the provision that people sit where they could find seating.

By eradicating preferential seating—a radical act in the time and place in which she lived—Mary McLeod Bethune demonstrated to her community what participatory democracy is all about: it’s about bringing everyone to the table, providing an equal place for everyone, and listening respectfully to everyone across lines that divide us. Dr. Bethune’s town-gown meetings abolished the lines that divide, at least for the space of the meeting itself.

In the leadership team she developed for her college, Dr. Bethune also sought to model such inclusivity and such abolition of racial lines. Dr. Bethune’s leadership team deliberately brought together people from across racial lines. She stressed the need for her students to be taught by people from all racial backgrounds, from all walks of life, since they would be functioning in a pluralistic society.

As the story from Daytona Beach that begins this posting illustrates, Florida still struggles, along with the rest of the nation, to build participatory democracy. Racial divisions remain strong in Daytona Beach, and in many parts of Florida.

As I have noted before, Bishop Timothy Whitaker, bishop of the Florida United Methodist Conference which sponsors Bethune-Cookman University, has a premier chance today to develop a model that would put into practice the recent UMC General Conference’s challenge to Methodists to educate themselves and others about discrimination. The university founded by Mary McLeod Bethune, which is under Bishop Whitaker’s pastoral jurisdiction, offers a rich opportunity for Bishop Whitaker and Florida Methodists to develop workshops and educational programs that explore marginalization and its effects in Florida communities.

With the heritage bequeathed by its founder, Bethune-Cookman University can continue to play a significant role in modeling participatory democracy and in educating for participatory democracy both locally and internationally. The recent decision of the United Methodist Church to place the current president of Bethune-Cookman University, Dr. Trudie Kibbe Reed, on its University Senate is another opportunity for Dr. Bethune's university to demonstrate to the church at large what Dr. Bethune’s legacy means in practice. Dr. Trudie Kibbe Reed is a distinguished African-American educator and a Methodist leader. Her placement on this important Methodist university body holds much promise to bring the legacy of Dr. Bethune into a wider community.

As the story of Mr. Cosby’s horrific assault on Ms. Cato indicates, we have much work to do—and Florida has much work to do—to overcome violence against minorities in our communities. What better way to begin the process than by following the path set before us by Mary McLeod Bethune—by developing safe spaces to bring various communities together for dialogue; by developing inclusive structures of educational leadership that model the kind of inclusivity we seek to teach students; and by moving our churches’ rhetoric about social healing beyond the rhetorical level to actual practice?

And, it goes without saying, such new models of educational leadership in church-sponsored colleges and universities absolutely have to deal with questions of marginalization due to sexual orientation. I’m reminded of this crucial need in Florida by a recent email I received from Chuck Wolfe, president of Victory Fund, a Florida political organization committed to pursuing rights for the LGBT community in Florida.

The email I received begins by stating,

Not every state with a big LGBT community is friendly to LGBT rights. Take Florida – where it’s still legal to fire employees based on sexual orientation or gender identity alone. Gays and lesbians also can’t adopt, and committed same-sex couples have zero partnership rights.

Perhaps it’s no coincidence then that Florida is the largest state to have never elected an openly LGBT state legislator.

There’s work to do in Florida. I’m pleased that the school founded by Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune is on the scene, continuing to embody the ideals of Dr. Bethune. I encourage Bishop Whitaker and Dr. Trudie Kibbe Reed to continue developing Dr. Bethune’s educational model for a local community in which the need is obviously so acute. With the historic first represented by Mr. Obama's bid for the presidency, we have a chance today for a renewed dialogue about race (and other forms of marginalization) in American democracy. Institutions like Bethune-Cookman University, with the rich legacy of Mary McLeod Bethune, have a singular opportunity to contribute to this dialogue.

Wednesday, May 7, 2008

Holy Conferencing as Love Building: The Witness of Mary McLeod Bethune

Thinking today about angry white men, stupidity, and malice. Steve and I have an ongoing conversation about the latter.

Having grown up in the great heartland of America, where one can cherish mightily the illusion that one is innocent, Steve ever sees the glass as half-full when I see it as half-empty. He’s quick to recognize stupidity and the effect of its heavy hand in social institutions, including the church. He is loath to see outright malice in much of the bungling that passes for leadership in church and society.

With my crazy, tormented Southern family tree, I’m more inclined to spot evil. I more often grant people the benefit of the doubt re: their ability to understand what’s happening around them. I see many of the blockages in building a better world as willfully evil, willfully malicious and self-interested, rather than fed by stupidity.

And so (naturally) to angry white men: I’m one of them. But what angers me most of all, I think, is something other than what seems to make the “typical” angry white male tick. What angers me has to do with the confluence of stupidity and malice in the thought patterns of so many people who want to resist necessary social changes at all cost.

The current U.S. federal election has resurrected the angry white male—as if he had ever gone away. Powerful currents in our culture resistant to progressive change continue to feed resentments of the angry white man around issues of gender and race. A politics of stupid, venal obstruction, which is never removed from the power centers of our culture, is playing a key role in the current political debates.

And it will probably continue to play a key role when the two candidates are finally selected and voters line up behind one or the other. The question—one of the fundamental questions—we face as a culture (and in our churches of the radical middle, which so closely mirror the culture) is whether we want to stand on the side of the stupid and malicious, or on the side of those who have, at least, the intent to move our culture towards the key ideals for which we claim our nation was founded.

So, anger, yes: my anger as a white male tends to focus on those who seem (to me) intent on willfully thwarting the coalescence of movements of progressive change around our foundational ideals. I could, if I wished, nourish resentment against women or people of color. Some of my most painful experiences in recent years, as a white gay man, have been at the hands of black women—women whom I expected to know better, and knowing better, to do better. Those experiences cut deeply, precisely because I suffered them at the hands of people representing two groups with which I commit myself to stand in solidarity.

But what is to be gained by singling out two social groups that struggle with crushing historic oppression, and venting all my rage about the venality and stupidity of the world on those groups, as if they (and not my demographic) stand for all that is evil in the world? In my view, LGBT people have everything to gain by standing in solidarity with our brothers and sisters across racial and gender lines. Our society as a whole stands to gain—and all of us as marginalized groups pitted by triangulating white-male “managers” against each other—by forming strong bonds of solidarity with each other. When a woman or an African American breaks through the barriers of the triangulating power center, I gain as a gay white man.

I offer these reflections today as I focus my reflections about holy conferencing on an enormously influential African-American leader of the 20th century, Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune. I want to focus today’s critical analysis of Wesleyan holy conferencing, as it is currently practiced in the United Methodist Church, on the following claim of Dr. Bethune in her moving Last Will and Testament:

Love builds. It is positive and helpful….Our aim must be to create a world of fellowship and justice where no man's skin, color or religion, is held against him. Loving your neighbor means being interracial, interreligious and international.


Love builds: love is constructive; its opposite is not. This is the leitmotiv of Mary McLeod Bethune’s thought. It is far easier to tear down in a moment something that has taken many years to be built up, than it is to build. It is easier to destroy than create. Chaos beckons everywhere around us, constantly. The choice to move against chaos is one that pulls against the grain, that forces us to muster imagination, trust, creativity, strength of mind and heart, in a world where it is much easier to go along, to become a witting or unwitting agent of all-encompassing chaos.

One of the rare privileges I was given at my last academic job was the charge to immerse myself in the thought of Dr. Bethune (though, strangely enough, I was later reproached for fulfilling this assignment; I was told that it was inappropriate for me as a white man to be analyzing the thought of Mary McLeod Bethune, and that the hard work I did—to research, write, and disseminate information to the university community—was not “work” but “talking” . . .).

My reading of Dr. Bethune has led me to the conviction that this 20th-century figure has something of crucial importance to say to those of us who struggle to keep holy conferencing alive in a 21st-century postmodern context. In church institutions, including church-affiliated academic institutions that are in danger of losing their souls because the leaders of those institutions have acceded to the pressures of those skilled at triangulation, Mary McLeod Bethune points a way forward.

She points to another possibility than accepting the managerial techniques of triangulating power centers who would like us to assume that such techniques are inevitable, if we wish to be preserved from chaos. She points to the possibility of building, not holding the line as if stasis is the single option left if we do not wish chaos to ensue.

Mary McLeod Bethune’s commitment to progressive social change—to constructive building—led her to found a United Methodist HBCU, Bethune-Cookman College. One of Dr. Bethune’s significant innovative practices was her development of town-hall meetings on the campus of the college she founded. It is this development to which I want to draw attention today, as I reflect on how holy conferencing has come to be practiced in the United Methodist Church (as opposed to its prophetic possibility in Wesleyan tradition).

Because Dr. Bethune believed that students learn most effectively when involved in hands-on work with the social challenges of their communities, she made the walls of her college permeable: she linked her campus to the surrounding community, such that the college became an educational presence in the community at large, while the community itself became a privileged locus for her students’ education in social transformation.

I am pointing to Dr. Bethune as a pioneer of a participatory democratic process that has much to offer the United Methodist Church today, as the church examines what it means to engage in sacred conversation. I want to draw attention to Dr. Bethune for another reason, as well.

Her town-hall meetings have gained the attention of progressivist thinkers not only because of their innovative pedagogical interface of town and gown. These meetings also blazed the way for a dialogic process of participatory democracy that brings everyone to the table. At a time and in a place in which the seats of honor were saved in any gathering for those with white skin, Dr. Bethune deliberately assigned no seats to anyone on the basis of power or privilege (which is to say, on the basis of race and socio-economic privilege).

Seating at her town-hall meetings was first-come, first-served. Everyone was welcome. But the meetings comprised a safe space in which the powerful were not permitted to rule over the powerless. They were a safe space in which the voice of the powerless was not only permitted to be heard, but actively solicited.

In other words, at the United Methodist College she founded, Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune modeled one of the key principles of Wesleyan holy conferencing, in her town-hall meetings: she actively worked against cultural patterns that gave privilege and voice to a select few on the basis of race, gender, economic status, and so on. She protected those who are ruled out of the conversation and dismissed from the table at most gatherings in the society in which we live (and the churches we attend in Main Street USA).

Like her sister Johnetta Betsch Cole, Dr. Bethune offers the United Methodist Church some important insights into what holy conferencing is all about, when it is practiced authentically and intentionally—with fidelity to core Wesleyan insights. Just as Dr. Cole’s image of soul work is a useful foundational metaphor for holy conferencing, Dr. Bethune’s image of constructive love, love that builds (with its echoes of Wesley’s injunction to do good constantly and avoid causing harm), offers an important critical insight into what holy conferencing can be when it is practiced with fidelity to Wesley’s spirituality.

From their experience of double marginalization as African-American women (and from their experience leading United Methodist colleges), Johnetta Betsch Cole and Mary McLeod Bethune represent radical inclusiveness, coupled with a critique of institutions that thwart the participation of any marginalized group in the structures of participatory democracy. The United Methodist Church, with its practice of holy conferencing, has much to learn from such prophetic leaders.

Dr. Bethune’s understanding of a radically inclusive participatory democracy that brings everyone to the dialogic table, and undercuts attempts of the powerful to silence the marginal, derives from deeply rooted theological beliefs that echo Wesleyan principles. Throughout her writings, she insists that authentic democracy is founded in the conviction that non-essential inborn traits including race, gender, or national status do not define human beings in the essential core of their being.

In Dr. Bethune’s view, what defines a human being and human worth is, starkly put, our common origin in one creator God. As she states in her 1954 “Address to a World Assembly for Moral Re-Armament”:

I listened to God this morning and the thought came to me, “Any idea that keeps anybody out is too small for this age—open your heart and let everybody in—every class, every race, every nation.” We must remake the world. The task is nothing less than that (in Audrey Thomas McCluskey and Elaine M. Smith, ed., Mary McLeod Bethune: Building a Better World [Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1999], p. 58; emphasis in original).


Late in her life, as she drafted her Last Will and Testament, Dr. Bethune declared, “All my life I have been stirred by the idea of one God creating one world” (as cited in ibid., p. 259).

This religious conviction fed Dr. Bethune’s desire to inculcate a global perspective in African-American youth, and, in particular, in those youth she was cultivating for leadership. As she notes in a 1952 essay entitled “The Lesson of Tolerance,”

The essence of Democracy is the concept that no one group or individual is all-wise or has a monopoly of all the virtues. Training ourselves and our children to have both tolerance and respect for opinions diverging from our own, is one of the best possible ways to promote brotherhood—among the peoples of the world, and among our neighbors in our block! (“The Lesson of Tolerance,” Bethune Papers, Bethune-Cookman University; in ibid., p. 267).


Dr. Bethune came to the conviction that the college she was founding was to be a “sacred place” in which the world might come to discover the world-changing possibility of interracial, cross-gender, radically inclusive dialogue in which all addressed one another as children of the same God. As her 1954 document “My Foundation” states,

So I want this to always be kind of a sacred place—a place to awaken people and to have them realize that there is something in the world they can do; and if they try hard enough, they will do that thing….I think we need leaders now so much. I thought that we would hold conferences, interracial conferences with women of all classes and creeds that we might sit together, think together, and plan together how we might make a better world to live in (Bethune Papers, Bethune-Cookman University; in ibid., p. 271).


In my view, just as Johnetta Betsch Cole has recognized that the preceding principles of radical inclusivity and radical welcome must apply not only to women or people of color but also to LGBT persons in the structures of a healthy participatory democracy, were she living in our postmodern cultural context, Mary McLeod Bethune would—I have no doubt of it—welcome and include LGBT people at her table, too. Just as Dr. Bethune brought to her leadership table not only people of color but Caucasians, not merely men but women as well, in a contemporary context she would—I have no doubt of it—incorporate in her college’s leadership team openly gay and lesbian academic leaders.

And she would protect these valuable children of God from attack by members of the “entrenched male hierarchy” of the United Methodist Church, against which she constantly did battle as an African-American female leading a college (cited in ibid., p. 13, citing Clarence G. Newsome, “Mary McLeod Bethune and the Methodist Episcopal Church North: In but Out,” Journal of Religious Thought 49, 1 [1992], pp. 7-20). She would do so because her thought opens to the conviction that all human beings have intrinsic worth and a place at the table of participatory democracy because all come from the hand of the same Creator God.

It is difficult to imagine Dr. Bethune characterizing any children of God as the spawn of the devil. It is difficult to imagine that she would have rested easily with such discourse even if it were implicitly elicited by the ground rules for holy conferencing of churches in Main Street USA—by those with power to make or break her as the leader of a church-affiliated college.

These are important considerations to lift up as we consider what holy conferencing is all about today. They are important because other voices that side with entrenched male hierarchical structures in both church and society continue to echo the “spawn of the devil” rhetoric of those structures—and African-American women can be found as well (and sadly) among those using such rhetoric.

It is interesting to note that, just as the recent General Conference got underway, several news stories broke, all involving African-American women recently called to accountability for pushing homophobic positions in their workplace. One of these is a 2 May report about Crystal Dixon, Associate Vice-President for Human Resources at the University of Toledo. This report states that Dixon was put on leave following an op-ed piece she wrote on 18 April for the Toledo Free Press (see www.towleroad.com/2008/05/ohio-college-ad.html and www.toledofreepress.com/?id=7609).

This opinion statement entitled “Gay Rights and Wrongs: Another Perspective,” purports to articulate the black woman’s perspective on gay and lesbian brothers and sisters. Dixon expresses “great umbrage” at the thought the quest for gay civil rights should in any way be equated with her quest for civil rights as an African-American woman.

Dixon states that, whereas she goes to bed at night black and wakes up black, gay persons can freely decide whether to “leave the gay lifestyle.” Dixon rehearses the familiar (and widely discounted) arguments that her gay and lesbian brothers and sisters have chosen a “lifestyle”; that this “lifestyle” choice can be cured by prayer and “a transformative experience with God”; that the gay “lifestyle” is injurious to the health of individuals and society. She also advances an argument that gay and lesbian households are not in any way economically deprived, but that these households experience economic benefits unavailable to African Americans.

Ultimately, Dixon notes that her argument hinges on her theological belief that “[t]here is a divine order. God created human kind male and female (Genesis 1:27). God created humans with an inalienable right to choose . . . . It is base human nature to revolt and become indignant when the world or even God Himself, disagrees with our choice that violates His divine order.” (For my critique of the rhetoric of “divine order,” see my posting “The Church’s One Foundation” at http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/04/churchs-one-foundation-homosexuality.html).

Critics of Dixon’s statement have noted that it is especially troubling, given that her position at UT requires her to adjudicate claims of job harassment and discrimination and to enforce professional codes that prohibit discrimination, including discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

The second report I noticed as General Conference was underway is a 30 April report that the ACLU had sent a letter to the Memphis City School system, charging Daphne Beasley, principal of Hollis F. Price Middle College High School, with discrimination against gay students. Beasley is an African-American woman, and Hollis F. Price is affiliated with LeMoyne-Owen, an HBCU.

The ACLU alleges that Beasley had gathered a list of students who were dating, including gay students, and had posted this list in a public place, essentially outing gay students who had not yet revealed their sexual orientation to their own families. A gay student at the school, identified as Andrew, claims that Beasley called his mother to inform her that her son was gay, telling the mother that she does not like gay persons and does not want them on her campus.

The Memphis City Schools system has responded to the ACLU letter by upholding Principal Beasley’s right to keep order and discipline on her campus. The school system finds nothing inappropriate in her behavior (see www.towleroad.com/2008/04/aclu-slams-tenn.html and www.towleroad.com/2008/05/memphis-city-sc.html).

The third report is a 26 April posting on Chris Crain’s Citizen Crain blog entitled “DNC’s ‘Talk to the Hand’ Outreach” (see http://citizenchris.typepad.com/citizenchris/2008/04/dncs-talk-to-th.html).

Crain summarizes recent initiatives of Leah Daughtry, an African-American woman who is chief of staff to Democratic Party leader Howard Dean. In Crain’s view, Daughtry “has garnered a reputation for inciting rivalry between African American and gay constituencies within the party.” Crain notes that Daughtry had “tried to help unseat the first-ever duly elected lesbian to the Alabama state legislature, in favor of a black candidate.” He also notes that, “Later, she (and closet case Donna Brazile) pitched a fit when gay Democrats proposed that gays be included in the same quota system for selecting state convention delegates as other minority groups.”

Given this history of contention in which, Crain believes, Daughtry has sought to sow seeds of discord and contention between the LGBT community and the black community, he finds her recent image-management attempts to patch up the rift she has worked to create too little and too late, a form of impression management to cover over triangulating procedures she herself has set in motion in the DNC office.

Clearly, there is work to do. The question is whether the United Methodist Church and other churches of the radical middle will take their cue from Dixon, Beasley, and Daughtry, or from Johnetta Betsch Cole and Mary McLeod Bethune. The time for sitting on the sidelines is rapidly vanishing as our political culture moves away from a politics of triangulation designed to create stasis to a politics of constructive building that welcomes the contributions of all God’s children.

Preceding my current series of postings on the United Methodist practice of holy conferencing is a series of open letters to the United Methodist bishop of Florida, Bishop Timothy Whitaker, under whose pastoral jurisdiction Bethune-Cookman University now currently functions. In previous postings, I have also noted the troubling violence against LGBT persons Florida has recently experienced. Daytona Beach, where Bethune-Cookman University is located, is as well the recent locus of some of the most horrifying acts of violence against homeless persons in the nation—acts often committed by teens. Florida was recently named the leading state in the country for acts of violence against the homeless.

Florida is now divided over an anti-gay marriage amendment that specifically targets LGBT citizens for no reason other than their sexual orientation.

There is clearly much pastoral work, much educational work, much healing to be done in Florida. One cannot imagine John Wesley or Mary McLeod Bethune standing aside from these glaring social needs.

Since the recent General Conference passed resolutions condemning homophobia and discrimination against LGBT persons, as well as calling for educational initiatives on the part of the church to help understand (and combat) all forms of social violence, wouldn’t it be amazing if Bishop Whitaker undertook to see that the university founded by Dr. Bethune became a force for reconciliation, education, and social transformation around issues of violence and homophobia—in a state where such reconciliation, education, and transformation are clearly needed?

Perhaps Bishop Whitaker and Bethune-Cookman University will respond to the resolutions of this General Conference by rehabilitating Dr. Bethune’s town-hall meetings with their practice of radical inclusivity. Perhaps Bishop Whitaker and this HBCU under his jurisdiction will follow Dr. Bethune’s lead by incorporating and acknowledging the contributions of all members of the campus community, black and white, gay or straight, in the leadership teams of the university, and by modeling inclusive leadership that crosses racial lines and lines of sexual orientation.

One can hope. As M. Paz Galupo notes in an article entitled “Advancing Diversity Through a Framework of Intersectionality: Inclusion of LGBT Issues in Higher Education” (Diversity Digest 10,2 [2007], 16-17), though the modern academy commonly pays lip-service to diversity and inclusion of all voices and perspectives, it lacks systematic or thoughtful strategies for integrating lesbian-gay concerns under the rubric of diversity. The academy still resists first-person testimony by its gay-lesbian members, and disallows such testimony as biased, self-interested, or distasteful.

Galupo (who is bi-racial) speaks expressly of HBCUs. She notes that HBCUs “typically have no institutionally recognized LGBT student groups” and that “structural barriers” in HBCUs prevent the successful integration of lesbian-gay persons into the academic community.

Galupo calls on the academy (and the HBCU in particular) to ask the following “hard questions” about such structural barriers, if the academy wishes to be truly inclusive:

Why do we advocate for LGBT inclusion in general, but remain afraid to challenge homophobia within our racially diverse communities? How can a dialogue about the experiences of LGBT persons of color inform…our work within the larger African American and LGBT communities? How can our successes in advancing racial diversity and gender equity inform our advocacy for LGBT inclusion? And conversely, how can arguments for LGBT inclusion be used to shift our discussions about race and gender to creative and more effective directions?


One can hope . . . . In the world coming into being in the 21st century, too much is at stake for the church and its institutions to choose triangulation and stasis over the prophetic witness of people such as John Wesley and Mary McLeod Bethune.