Showing posts with label Bishop Thomas Wenski. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bishop Thomas Wenski. Show all posts

Monday, June 27, 2016

Pope Francis on Apologizing to the Gay Community: "Still Locates the Problem Firmly in the Land of Words" (and How to Move Forward with Bishops Like Wenski Dominating USCCB?)


A quick footnote to my posting earlier today commenting on the papal statement yesterday about the need of the Catholic church to apologize to gay folks for its abuse of them: some of you may have seen, that in my haste to post my previous piece, I started to include a label for the posting —  "Bishop Thomas Wenski." And then I realized I did not have time to write what I wanted to write about Archbiishop Wenski's recent statement taking to task his brother bishop in Florida, Bishop Robert Nugent, for stating after the Orlando massacre that Catholics and other faith communities should examine the way in which they have contributed to hatred of and vioelnce towards LGBTQ people.

Friday, January 9, 2015

Droppings from the Catholic Birdcage: "Without Freedom of Expression, the World Is in Danger" (Memo to Miami)



Yesterday, Cardinal Jean-Louis Tauran, president of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, released a statement with the leaders of France's Islamic community indicating that they stand with Pope Francis in denouncing cruelty and violence caused by ideological oppression of others. The statement says,

Thursday, January 8, 2015

Commentary on Archbishop Thomas Wenski and His Threatening Response to Arrival of Marriage Equality in Florida



Also today, ongoing discussion of the response of Miami Archbishop Thomas Wenski to the arrival of marriage equality in Florida, something I discussed yesterday: as I noted, on 6 January as same-sex marriages began in the state, Wenski issued a threatening letter informing employees of Catholic institutions of the archdiocese that anything they say in public forums celebrating marriage equality may be grounds for firing. Here's further discussion of this story from the past two days:

Wednesday, January 7, 2015

More on Florida's Epiphanic Moment: Anita Crying, Catholic Archbishop Shaking Bully Stick


Yesterday, I called the breaking out of human rights and equality for gay citizens in Florida an epiphanic moment. More on that theme today, in articles I've read this morning commenting on the opening to same-sex marriage in Florida:

Wednesday, June 2, 2010

The Bishop Has a Hog: The New Archbishop of Miami and the Future of American Catholicism



The old boys are loving them some Tom Wenski.

He’s got a hog.  Vroom, vroom, vroom!  And he rides that Harley all over the place.

Vroom, vroom, vroom!

Thursday, May 7, 2009

Coerced Morality and the Pastoral Failure of the American Catholic Bishops: More Reflections in Light of Notre Dame-Obama Controversy

Two recent statements by influential thinkers in the American Catholic church deserve particular attention, it seems to me. The first is Thomas Reese’s “Memo to Bishops: Most Catholics Aren’t Listening” in Washington Post this past Tuesday (here). Thomas Reese is the former editor of America, who was forced out of that position when American Catholics of the right, who had the ear of Rome, appealed to then Cardinal Ratzinger, who was then head of the Vatican Congregation of the Faith, to silence him (here).

One of Ratzinger’s first acts as Benedict XVI was to have Reese removed from his position as editor of America.

In his recent WaPo statement, Reese tries to make sense of the fact that American Catholics are simply not listening to those bishops who continue the war against President Obama, even after they failed in their attempt to coerce their flocks to vote Republican in the last election.

I’m struck by an observation Reese makes about the root of Catholics’ refusal to listen to the bishops on this and other issues. He states:

I think part of the problem is that the bishops stopped listening and teaching and started ordering and condemning. With an educated laity it no longer works to simply say, "it is the teaching of the church." This is the equivalent of a parent shouting, "Because I said so."

The bishops must persuade and convince with arguments not by turning up the volume. When they resort to commanding and threatening punishments, people are turned off. Banning speakers, denying Communion, silencing theologians is a sign of weakness not strength. Censorship and violations of academic freedom come across as admissions that their arguments are not convincing and therefore the opposition must be silenced.

This observation dovetails (in my mind, at least) with something Douglas Kmiec says in a statement this week at America re: the open seat that David Souter is now leaving on the Supreme Court (here). Kmiec’s statement is entitled “The Case for Empathy.” Kmiec, readers may remember, is a Pepperdine University law professor who was a legal counsel for both Reagan and George H.W. Bush, but who broke with the Republican party in the last election to support Obama (here).

Kmiec makes a strong case for the appointment of a new Supreme Court justice who brings empathy to the court’s deliberations. I’m especially taken with his conclusion:

Empathy yields one additional lesson: law is no substitute for love. Yes, it is wrong when the Court usurps legislative function or when it disregards the structure of the Constitution that reserves appropriate questions to the states. Yet it is empathy that gives insight into where exactly no government—federal or state—should be involved. In times past, it may have been possible to count upon church or competing private institutions to maintain this boundary between what is public and what is private, but these independent sources of moral formation have also come to overly rely on the crutch of law’s coercion.

In the end, however, coerced morality is without meaning or lasting effect. In the words emblazed upon the New Hampshire license plate that will likely soon again adorn David Souter’s car, we are to “live free or die.” A judge with an empathetic understanding of the Constitution would grasp all that means.

Law is no substitute for love, and coerced morality is without meaning or lasting effect. If only the bishops who continue to try to hold the Catholic church in the U.S. hostage to the Republican party—and to its most rabid right wing, at that—could hear these wise, simple points. Really hear them.

People aren’t listening, because you can’t make them listen. Pastoral leadership is not about forcing people to adhere to what you dictate. It’s about leading, about pointing the way and helping others walk along that way.

The bishops’ coercive, dictatorial approach to the issue of abortion (and, since they have chosen to hinge everything on this, to the question of what it means to be a Catholic in the public sphere today) is an utter failure because this approach assumes that one can establish moral consensus by fiat.

Creating moral consensus by fiat always fails, and has to fail, because this approach treats human beings as objects in an area of life in which objectification is impossible. If morality means anything, it means that we human beings are moral agents and not automatons, persons endowed with mental ability to sort out questions of value, and with consciences to make judgments about issues involving values.

The morality-by-fiat approach undercuts what morality is all about, at its most fundamental level. One establishes moral consensus first and foremost by engaging in moral reasoning and deliberations of conscience with others. One does not establish moral consensus by standing at the head of the queue and commanding everyone else in the queue to line up behind you and do as you do.

For decades now, a large number of the American bishops have refused 1) to talk with their flocks and the public at large about moral issues, 2) to discuss burning moral issues in all their complexity, with respect for their nuances and for the conflicting data that make it difficult to arrive at clear moral judgments about these issues, 3) to permit those called by the Spirit and prepared by professional training—namely, theologians—to assist in building consensus about difficult moral issues to pursue their vocations, and 4) to face honestly and openly the numerous ways in which their own egregious moral lapses (especially in the crisis of clerical sexual abuse of children) undermine their ability to address moral issues compellingly.

As many bishops have engaged in all these refusals—which are, at a very fundamental level, betrayals of their vocations as pastors—they have simply commanded. They have sought to browbeat people into thinking and doing what is right—or what the bishops believe to be right.

And they have sought to extend that imperious, coercive approach to the public at large. One of the most curious statements Mary Ann Glendon makes in her recent letter (here) explaining why she is opting out of the Notre Dame commencement ceremony at which President Obama will be honored is this: she notes that Notre Dame has contravened a 2004 request of the U.S. Catholic bishops that Catholic institutions “should not honor those who act in defiance of our fundamental moral principles.”

Those who act in defiance: that is a telling phrase, and it is telling that Mary Ann Glendon chooses to quote it here. To me, it says a great deal about what is wrong with the morality-by-fiat approach of the bishops, and why that approach has failed so dismally.

On what grounds can one justly claim that a president who is not even Catholic has “defied” Catholic moral principles? The word “defy” is a loaded word. It implies that those who are defiant are choosing deliberately to act against regulations or principles imposed on them by some authority.

By what right, I wonder, do the American Catholic bishops claim such sway in the public sphere that they believe they can demand that a political leader who is not of their faith, whose moral outlook may well not reflect in every particular the principles or prudential judgments they want to impose on their flocks, should bow to their commands? This is undisguised theocracy, and I’m glad that Mary Ann Glendon lets us know that this is what the battle has been all about, all along.

At least now we know what we are dealing with: anyone who disagrees with not only the principles but even with the prudential judgments of the bishops—including non-Catholics—is defying them in doing so. The path to moral consensus is fiat, and when the attempt to dictate morality fails, force should be the next step.

This is a shoddy way to bring people to moral consensus. It is not working. It cannot work. The Catholic church in the U.S. is bleeding members today at such a rapid rate—particularly among the young (here)because commanding people to do right, and then trying to force them to do right when they do not obey, does not lead to moral behavior: it leads to rejection of those who try to rule by fiat.

And who do not lead by example as they try to command: for instance, I am totally unpersuaded by the recent claim of Bishop Thomas Wenski of Orlando that his Mass of Reparation earlier in the week was a non-confrontational, apolitical act (here). I am not persuaded because Bishop Wenski has a history of making public statements—in the secular media—that are overt political statements and attempts to strong-arm Catholics in central Florida to vote Republican.

During the last election, he published a statement in a local paper (here) calling on Catholics in his diocese to continue the culture war against their gay brothers and sisters—a theme dear to the heart of the party for whom Bishop Wenski is clearly shilling with his “reparation” Mass and other public statements (here).

And once his side had lost, Bishop Wenski did not give up the battle, but continued publishing overtly political statements in the local secular media. Following Obama’s election, Wenski wrote another op-ed piece in a local paper which, under the guise of congratulating the new president, raked him over the coals regarding a Freedom of Choice Act that has never, in fact, even been on the table (here and here). Drumbeats for the faithful—beats on a war drum—to assure that Catholics in his area will continue to vote “right,” just as the Mass of Reparation this week clearly was . . . .

(The good bishop seems to have a little bee in his bonnet when it comes to gay people, by the way. The anti-abortion screed to which I’ve just linked contains a nasty little dig about gay rights and gay marriage, as did Wenski’s sermon at the Mass of Reparation, which was, again, ostensibly all about abortion, but managed to praise [here] the “courage” of the “convictions” of a beauty queen from California—that is, Carrie Prejean, the new darling of the religious right on the issue of gay marriage.)

With this level of “moral” discourse, and when the teaching of bishops is so clearly captive to one party and its economic movers and shakers, is it any wonder that people are no longer listening?

And when a bishop—in this case, Peter Jugis of Charlotte—does this (here) within days after a prominent member of his flock, Virginia Foxx, has characterized the claim that a young gay man was brutally murdered because he was gay as a hoax? Bishops standing against a bill to outlaw bullying of children on grounds of sexual orientation in North Carolina schools?

It boggles the mind. With such shepherds, is it any wonder that the sheep are no longer walking meekly behind?

Saturday, December 13, 2008

The Human Rights Shell Game and the Churches: Gay Is the New Black

The Catholic world is abuzz today with interest in human rights.

Selective interest in selective human rights.

As John Allen points out in his latest column at National Catholic Reporter, “senior church officials” are now intent on using language about racism and slavery as they combat abortion (http://ncrcafe.org/node/2328). That is, they’re spinning the churches' resistance to abortion (and gay rights) as a new abolitionist movement akin to the 19th-century movement of a minority of prophetic Christians to overcome slavery.

This rhetoric comes on the heels of the Obama election, in which 1) the “official” political tactic of the U.S. Catholic bishops was resoundingly rejected by a majority of Catholics who refused to vote Republican, and 2) the role of African-American voters who supported Obama but voted against gay rights in California and Florida is eliciting international attention.

Having lost the election, so to speak—having failed to get Catholics to vote Republican—the bishops intend now to capitalize on what seems to be a neuralgic divide among progressives, the black-gay divide. The fundamental, recurring political tactic of the big men on top, their reflex action when they feel their power threatened or waning, is always to exploit division. It’s always to find and probe and widen any division they can successfully utilize in the ranks of those they need to conquer and control.

Case in point: on 11 December, Catholic bishop of Orlando, Florida, Thomas Wenski published a statement in the Lakeland, Florida, Ledger in which he argues that people of faith must change the mind of Americans about the human status of the unborn in the same way that a prophetic minority of believers did re: people of color in the slave period (www.theledger.com/article/20081211/COLUMNISTS/812110338?Title=Presidential_History__Roe_vs__Wade_Lurks). The Supreme Court upheld slavery in its Dred Scott decision by defining slaves as “less than persons.” Changing the nation’s mind about slavery required fashioning a national consensus that slaves are every bit as human as are all other human beings.

Bishop Wenski does not leave it at that. In his eagerness to compare himself to a contemporary abolitionist, he is intent on getting in a little dig—a malicious little divide-and-conquer dig—against those who deplore many believers’ resistance to gay rights. He notes that the same folks who elected Mr. Obama voted, in Florida and California, to “preserve in law the traditional understanding of marriage . . . .”

This dig is significant. It is part of a wider strategy of the big men on top to deepen the division between people of color, whose rights are justified, these churchmen want to argue, and gay people, whose claim to human rights is illegitimate. As I’ve noted here in previous postings, for key religious leaders of central Florida—including Episcopal bishop John W. Howe, United Methodist bishop Timothy Whittaker, and Bishop Wenski himself—this is a clearly discernible divide-and-conquer strategy, one increasingly evident in national strategies of believers on the right: endorse the aspirations of people of color, elevate select and useful members of “good” minority groups such as African Americans and women to positions of power, while stepping hard on gay and lesbian persons (http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/07/men-who-rule-us-assuring-clerical.html).

As I’ve previously noted, during the recent election, Bishop Wenski went so far as to state that he wants to keep the divisive culture wars of previous decades alive, as he appeals to people of faith to continue opposing the aspirations of gay persons to human rights, to full personhood (http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/07/and-speaking-of-discrimination.html).

The divide-and-conquer strategy of Bishop Wenski and his cronies is a dangerous one, when one looks carefully at the historical analogy they want to push. First, there’s the inescapable fact that official Catholic teaching did not condemn, but supported, slavery. As John Allen notes, as late as 1866, the Vatican’s doctrinal office stated, “Slavery itself, considered as such in its essential nature, is not at all contrary to the natural and divine law.”

Second, there’s the eerie parallel between the Vatican’s behavior towards slaves then and its treatment of gays now. Note the basis of the Vatican’s argument on behalf of slavery: slavery is upheld by natural law, which divine law stamps with its seal of approval. In opposing slavery, one is setting oneself against the laws of nature, which are the laws of the Creator.

This is precisely the argument being used against gay persons and our appeal for rights today: nature condemns gay sex and gay marriage, and demonstrates that marriage is made for one man and one woman whose biological complementarity allows them to procreate. Divine law echoes nature in forbidding homosexuality and gay marriage.

The church sometimes appears to learn little over the centuries—little except to resist wherever the appeal for full human rights is most urgent in any given period of history. People of faith resisting gay rights today are not behaving in any shape, form, or fashion like new abolitionists. They are behaving precisely as the majority of believers, who resisted the human rights of people of color then as strongly as they resist the human rights of gay people today, behaved when confronted with arguments that slaves were fully human.

The abolitionists sought to claim rights for others, not deny them, as churchmen today are doing with gay persons. The abolitionists were a prophetic minority of believers opposing not only slavery but the consensus of the moral majority of their time.

Now, over a century and a half after the issue of slavery was resolved—in favor of the human rights resisted by the majority of believers—the big men on top in the churches that resisted abolition and then resisted integration want to tell us they have always been on the side of human rights? Human rights for everyone?

Now, when there is no price to pay, when fighting for the rights of a persecuted minority as the majority of our fellow believers condemn us no longer requires costly grace, we want to convince people that we stand for human rights? And have always done so?

Even as we do to gay people today what our forebears did to people of color—in the name of God—in the past? That argument of the Dred Scott decision—slavery is licit because slaves are less than persons: how is it any different from what the churches say to gay human beings today? How can the church claim that it stands for human rights everywhere while denying human rights to gay persons, without insinuating that gay human beings are an exception to the rule, as people of color were in the past?

Ultimately, the churches today believe that their animus against gay human beings is justified because leading churchmen and a large number of believers simply do not regard gay people as fully human. It’s that simple and that stark. The Vatican can claim to be a stalwart champion of human rights while opposing a U.N. declaration condemning homophobia only because the Vatican counts on people to understand that gay persons are not human in the same way everyone else is human (http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/12/news-beat-catholics-mormons-gay.html).

Just as the Vatican and most other churches in the past counted on people to uphold slavery because people of color are less than human . . . . The battle lines may shift as history moves on, but the fundamental principle remains the same: the churches’ commitment to human rights is selective, non-universal, contingent on calculation at any given moment of history. And at the center of that calculation is the question of how high the price will be for supporting the human rights of a given group at a given time: at the center of the calculation is whether the church will choose costly grace when cheap grace is so much easier to attain.

And so it goes today: people who once stoutly resisted the claim to full humanity and full personhood of people of color now claim to be the sudden BFFs of people of color—many of whom, to their shame, are willingly letting themselves be used in this contemporary game of divide-and-conquer. A game in which their gay brothers and sisters are being subjected to precisely the same treatment people of color received in the past, for precisely the same reasons . . . . Because it is costly today for people of conscience to affirm the humanity of a group whose humanity is being demeaned—while it is not costly at all to pretend that we have always upheld the humanity of those now moving onto the stage of human history as subjects rather than objects.

One expects better of people of faith. And of those who know full well what it is to be treated as sub-human. And who should know that they are being used in a disreputable political battle by people who have, in their heart of hearts, as little respect for the humanity of people of color as they do for gay human beings.

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

The Men Who Rule Us: Assuring Clerical Dominance

This is not an easy time in which to write. We’re preparing for a funeral. Even so, I don’t want to let my train of thought stop short. I offer the following reflections with the proviso that they are sketchy, written as my mind and heart are occupied with other matters now.

I wrote last week about the shared interest of men—straight-identified men—in continuing their dominance in the leadership sectors of all mainstream churches. I wrote about how the system of clericalism—a system built on male domination of women, and on the domination of gay men by straight-presenting men—is a system deeply entrenched in all the mainstream churches. There is a shared interest among the leaders of the churches in seeing that the system of clerical control remains intact, an interest that transcends denominational boundary lines.

I’m aware that not all mainstream churches resist the ordination of women, as the Catholic and Orthodox churches do. Even so, I would argue that in those churches in which women are now able to be ordained (e.g., the United Methodist, Episcopal Church USA, Anglican, Presbyterian), men still strongly dominate. One would have to be blind not to see the manifold ways in which institutional power prefers men—straight-acting ones—over women in the structures of these churches.

No matter how brilliant a woman’s seminary career is, she is highly unlikely to step into a pastorate as plush as the one afforded to her straight-presenting male counterpart when seminary ends. And she is far less likely ever to capture the pulpit of the “first” churches of the denomination, the ones from whose pulpit “the” Methodist/Presbyterian, etc., voice is beamed out across a state each Sunday.

I long since gave up attending the annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion because I was, frankly, tired of rubbing shoulders with bearded, tweed-jacketed straight-presenting married men who claim to have the final word on matters religious. After I finished graduate school, I no longer had to choose to affiliate with these men who rule us. When it became obvious to me that I wouldn’t be accorded a voice, anyway, I gladly stopped rubbing shoulders with those of privileged voice, since I have my own thoughts to think, and nothing is more distracting than listening to empty cant when it postures as the final word.

Given the common interests of the system of clericalism across denominational lines, it is not surprising to discover how ready the Vatican or Orthodox patriarchs are today to shore up the “traditional” males-only, no-gay-allowed clerical system of the Anglican communion—even when the Vatican has long since declared Anglican orders invalid! Under the guise of defending orthodoxy and tradition, the men who rule us in the churches are actually defending their own clerical power and privilege, their exclusive right to represent the unitary voice that speaks on behalf of their communion. The future of Christianity is, to a great extent, being staked today on the single doctrine of male domination—of women and of men construed as feminine, due to their gay sexual orientation.

This is the why of clericalism and of its tremendous push to preserve (and extend) itself at this point in Christian history, at all costs. The how of clericalism is perhaps less obvious, less simple to analyze. It is less simple to analyze because the clerical system manages to maintain its control throughout the Christian communions by manifold expressions of power and privilege whose mechanisms are usually hidden from public view.

My own entry point for obtaining a glimpse of the system of clerical dominance in ugly operation has been in academic life. Last week, my friend Colleen Baker reported on her Enlightened Catholicism blog that Catholic theologian Rosemary Radford Ruether had recently been named to the Msgr. John R. Portman Chair of the University of San Diego—only to find herself summarily disinvited from the Chair after her appointment was announced (see http://enlightenedcatholicism-colkoch.blogspot.com/2008/07/rosemary-radford-ruether-loses-to.html). The university provost tells Ruether that the anonymous donor who provided funding for this chair had a different vision for it than Ruether represents.

Rosemary Ruether notes that the San Diego decision is troubling on several fronts—most of all, because it implicitly denies academic freedom to the faculty who chose her for the chair. It is important to me to note that 1) the donor’s name has not been made public; 2) the donor can exercise great influence over intra-collegial decisions while remaining hidden—an unenviable development, since this opens the door to allowing academic discourse to be “bought” by unnamed powerful interest groups; and 3) the secretiveness with which the matter is now being handled underscores Ruether’s point that academic freedom is being threatened.

Academic freedom by its very nature demands that controversial decisions such as this be brought into the light of day for open, free consideration within the collegial context. Whenever the leaders of an academic institution resort to the cover of darkness for their actions—when they refuse to allow the reasons for major decisions to be made public and discussed in the public forum—one can be assured that the reasons don’t bear scrutiny and won’t stand up under collegial investigation.

What happened to Rosemary Ruether at the University of San Diego is, unfortunately, becoming all too common in church-sponsored institutions of higher learning. Since theologians are the one “official” critical voice that, by its very calling, must continue to talk about issues even when church authorities have tabled them, and must pursue truth that the power centers of church and society wish to avoid facing, then for social and ecclesial power centers that wish to reduce the truth proclaimed by a religious community to a unitary voice, it is important to suppress the voices of theologians. As Ruether’s story illustrates, it is relatively easy—and becoming ever easier—for church leaders to accomplish this using sub rosa channels of economic power and influence within university structures in which the powerful behind-the-scenes players who assist church leaders in maintaining their dominance are never revealed.

We live at a moment in Christian history when we will be seeing more and more attempts to curb and norm the conversation within churches, and to place it under the direct control of church leaders intent on representing their voice as the voice of the communion. What happened to Rosemary Ruether brings to mind what happened to another Catholic theologian, Charles Curran, over a decade ago.

In 1990, after he was dumped by Catholic University of America when his teaching about homosexuality and birth control earned him Vatican censure, Curran was offered tenure at Auburn University in Alabama. After the appointment was made, however, the university president announced that he would not be giving tenure to Curran. No reason was provided for this decision. At the time, there was discussion of the possible influence of Mobile Catholic archbishop Oscar Lipscomb on the Auburn president’s decision. Curran reported that Lipscomb had admitted to him that he had discussed Curran’s case with a Catholic trustee at Auburn—though Lipscomb denied having sought to influence the Auburn decision.

Charles Curran filed suit against Catholic University for his termination, only to find that the court upheld the right of the university to fire faculty members—even tenured ones—on religious grounds. The Curran case has created an ugly precedent whereby church-affiliated schools can now freely violate the academic freedom of faculty members while citing religious privilege as they do so—though schools usually employ covert ways of curbing or dismissing faculty members rather than outright termination. They do so because, even with court-defended religious exemptions, academic accrediting societies still demand that schools pay lip service to academic freedom, if the schools expect to be accredited.

Stating that one is terminating a faculty member because his/her work violates the religious beliefs of the university places a school in the unenviable position of appearing not to respect academic freedom. It is simply easier to cook up some other spurious reason (e.g., “inability to cooperate with this administration,” “lack of collegiality”) for the termination, so as to avoid negative publicity and court battles.

What happened to Curran and to Rosemary Ruether illustrates how the power centers of churches control and disempower theologians today across denominational lines. They do so via hidden channels of influence that operate at the level of presidents and boards of trustees, channels never exposed to public scrutiny. When decisions such as the Ruether or Curran decision are made by presidents and boards of trustees, the true story of how the academic freedom of a theologian is violated is never told: the story of midnight calls to pressure a president, of threats to withhold funding, of moral emptiness on the part of university and church leaders, of manufactured reasons for dismissal or denial of tenure that have nothing to do with reality, of boards of trustees that will not hold presidents accountable even when the moral vacuity of a president is patent, and so on.

If there is any truth to Curran’s assertion that Archbishop Oscar Lipscomb played a role in Auburn’s decision to deny tenure to him (and I believe there is), then this story illustrates the collusion of power players beyond denominational lines, in the contemporary push to stop the voices of theologians. Auburn was Methodist-founded and is today a state university.

What interest could a Catholic bishop possibly have, or exert, in such an institution? And how could that interest be exerted? If answers to such questions were ever made public, we’d have a very clear picture, I believe, of how leaders of churches today (acting in collusion with each other and with powerful economic and political leaders) curb critical theological discourse in the academy in order to assure the continued dominance of the clerical system across denominational boundary lines, and the right of the men who rule the churches to speak unilaterally on behalf of “their” churches.

In such situations, one would expect accrediting bodies to play a significant role in assuring that academic freedom is respected. If a church-affiliated university freely violates the academic freedom of theologians, what is to prevent its doing something similar with professors of literature, sociology, biology, etc.? What university worth its name would willingly trample on the academic freedom of any of its faculty members?

Based on my own experiences within the academy, I am not sanguine about the role played by accrediting bodies in upholding academic freedom. As I have noted on this blog, I myself have had dismal experiences at two church-sponsored colleges/universities, both under the accreditation of the Southern Association of Colleges and Universities (SACS).

Both as an administrator in SACS-affiliated universities and as someone whose academic freedom was violated by universities accredited by SACS, I have observed that SACS bends over backwards to give the benefit of the doubt to the institution in cases in which faculty members report violations of academic freedom. In my first experience of being given a spurious terminal contract without any stated reason for the termination, and of being denied a written evaluation of my previous semester’s work, I met a brick wall when I reported what had happened to SACS.

Though I had ironclad proof that the academic vice-president had interfered in the operation of the college’s grievance committee, and though the refusal to provide a reason for my termination violates SACS’ own academic freedom statement, when I turned to SACS for support, SACS informed me that since the school had a grievance committee, I had had protection for my academic freedom. Never mind that this committee was a puppet committee that could not and did not act independently of the church authorities controlling the school . . . .

Because of this experience, I did not even bother turning to SACS on my second go-round at a SACS-accredited church-sponsored university. It was at this university that I was terminated without having even been given any evaluation of my year’s work—though, as I have noted on this blog, a document later came into my hands in which my supervisor reported to the board that a consultant who had been brought in to talk to me about SACS-accreditation issues had actually “evaluated” me and had recommended my termination.

I was never given this consultant’s report. I was not even told that he had “evaluated” me. I never had any evaluation of my work prior to my termination—a clear violation of SACS academic freedom regulations. The consultant brought in to “evaluate” me has published articles about the social construction of African-American manhood that are overtly homophobic. He is a Baptist Sunday School teacher. He is not even in the area in which he purportedly “evaluated” me—academic affairs—and is not even at a SACS-affiliated college. His knowledge of SACS standards was abysmal, I discovered when he met with me. If he “evaluated” me, he did so without ever having met me, on the basis of a single interview of an hour or so. And, given his background, it is impossible to imagine that his “evaluation” of me would in any way be unbiased. He was clearly brought in to do a hatchet job on an openly gay university administrator whose “lifestyle” he held in contempt, and he did his job well.

All of which is to say, it is not hard at all to silence theologians nowadays, particularly in church-affiliated universities, and especially in areas (such as the American Southeast) in which the commitment of academic accrediting bodies to academic freedom is weak when religious commitments are involved. When one takes into consideration the fact that laws protecting the rights of workers from wrongful termination are also weak in precisely the same areas of the country in which the churches’ right to terminate faculty on religious grounds is uncontested, one begins to understand why accrediting bodies in these areas are historically weak on academic freedom issues. To defend academic freedom, they would have to stand against strong currents of their culture—and against the powerful influence of the economic and political figures who collude with church leaders to silence critical voices.

There is a game-playing dimension to the way in which accrediting bodies go about investigating institutions of higher learning. As an academic administrator, time and again, I have seen accrediting bodies send to a church-affiliated college a team of investigators heavily weighted with team members from the denomination that sponsors the school in question.

When one considers that almost all presidents of universities sponsored by a particular institution have strong institutional ties to the governing structures of the denomination controlling their university, one can understand how it is that most accrediting visits don’t probe critically into allegations that academic freedom of faculty has been violated on religious grounds. In order to move some academic accrediting bodies in the direction of a defense of academic freedom, one would have to transform the culture of the accrediting bodies themselves: to the extent that they continue to be old-boys’ networks dominated by those with ties to church-affiliated colleges and universities, they will continue not to have a strong interest in promoting academic freedom or investigating cases in which universities they accredit have violated academic freedom of faculty on religious grounds.

+ + + + +

And now for a change of subject: since this and previous postings focus on bishops and church governing bodies, I would like to take this opportunity to note the reappointment of a United Methodist bishop whose name has figured in previous postings on this blog. I’m referring to Bishop Timothy Whitaker of the Florida United Methodist Conference.

Bishop Whitaker has just been re-appointed to another quadrennial term as UMC Bishop of Florida. Florida interests me for a number of reasons outlined in previous postings on this blog, including the growing number of cases of violent assault of LGBT citizens in that state. This is also a state in which an explicitly anti-gay initiative is on the ballot for the next election cycle.

It’s a state, in other words, in which the churches’ pastoral efforts can do either much harm or cause much woe. As Florida deals with its issues with gay citizens, it’s interesting to note that, pastorally speaking, the central part of the state is now solidly under the control of bishops representing different churches, all of whom have taken public stands that many gay citizens see as less than welcoming to the gay community.

As a posting on this blog notes, at the most recent United Methodist General Assembly, Bishop Whitaker chaired the discussion that resulted in a vote to continue the current language of the Book of Discipline which sees the practice of homosexuality as incompatible with Christian life (see http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/05/we-are-all-care-of-one-another.html). My posting noted that participants in the debate at General Assembly were concerned with how Bishop Whitaker used parliamentary procedure to offset debate and to pave the way for a final statement in favor of the current policy by Rev. Eddie Fox, Director of UMC World Evangelism.

In a previous posting on this blog, I have also noted that the Catholic bishop of Orlando, Bishop Thomas Wenski, published a resoundingly anti-gay editorial in a newspaper in June (see http://bilgrimage.blogspot.com/2008/07/and-speaking-of-discrimination.html). Bishop Wenski calls for a continuation of the culture wars that have had such dismal effects on gay persons.

I have not touched previously on the Episcopal Bishop of Central Florida, Bishop John W. Howe. I should note that Bishop Howe appears to hold positions similar to those of his colleagues Bishops Whitaker and Wenski on gay persons and their inclusion in the church. All three of these gentlemen appear resolved to hold the line on gay persons and gay rights.

It would be interesting to know if any church-affiliated colleges or universities in this region manage to safeguard the right of faculty members to discuss gay and lesbian persons in a way that is more inclusive of these persons in the body of Christ . . . .

Rev. Whitaker’s friend Rev. Fox has been in the news again recently, and once again, in a way that makes clear his intent to continue defending the Methodist hard line against gay persons. When the California-Pacific and the California-Nevada Annual UMC Conferences both recently approved gay marriage and expressed support for pastors marrying gay couples, Rev. Fox responded by stating, "We've made it clear we adhere to biblical teaching and Christian tradition. Ninety-eight percent of Christians around the world believe marriage is between one man and one woman, so we're not out of step in our ecumenical relationships with Christians around the world" (see http://religionblog.dallasnews.com/archives/2008/07/california-umc-legislative-bod.html).

It would be difficult to imagine a United Methodist university in which Rev. Fox has influence giving hospitality to a theologian who calls for open dialogue about the place of LGBT persons in the churches, or for critical discourse about the disparity between what the churches proclaim about being welcoming places for gay believers, and how they actually behave towards LGBT persons. Fox and those allied with him seem far more intent on shutting down this conversation, than they are on pursuing it.

Thursday, July 3, 2008

And Speaking of Discrimination . . .

And speaking of discrimination: in so many ways, this shoddy little piece of special pleading doesn’t deserve notice.

But it affects people. It affects voters. It’s designed to affect voters. And for that reason, I want to take note of the article.

It also happens to be a story from a diocese in which I have lived and continue to own a house—in an area in which homophobia has made my life and that of my partner miserable, and in which gay citizens are frequently subjected to harassment extending to physical violence.

It’s an op-ed piece by Orlando diocese Catholic bishop Thomas Wenski from last Sunday’s Ocala Banner (see www.ocala.com/article/20080629/opinion/513926224). In the article, the good bishop argues—without a hint of apology—that the culture wars need to continue.

Yes, the enervating culture wars of the 1990s, which got us precisely nowhere. Those culture wars. The ones that have consumed millions of dollars in resources that might better have been spent in meeting human needs, while we battled over issues like abortion and gay rights and same-sex marriage.

The culture wars that have led to such ideological fragmentation in our nation that we cannot begin to work together, because we are so busy shouting at each other across our ideological party lines. The culture wars that have led to precisely no cashing in of promises by “pro-life” politicians to end abortion—because these politicians never intended to end abortion. What they wanted and needed was for good bishops like Wenski to whip up a frenzy of anger and fear among their flock, so that they would go to the voting booths and vote “right.”

The culture wars that have demonized gay folks in the name of protecting “traditional” marriage, which have brought us that diaper-clad friend of prostitutes David Vitter and wide-stance Larry Craig as sponsors of the latest attempt to amend the constitution in favor of “traditional” marriage.

Yes. Those culture wars. These are the ones that Bishop Wenski wants to continue. In the name of God, you understand.

Bishop Wenski argues that we have to do all in our power to protect poor, embattled “traditional” marriage (which appears to be embattled due to those nasty gays wanting to marry, and not because of folks like Vitter and Craig) because children “seem to be” “hardwired” to be raised by a father and a mother married to each other.

The good bishop also argues, without a whisper of irony or any apparent concern regarding the glass palace he occupies, that, “Of course, in America, we value our privacy and that of others, and so today most agree that one's sexual orientation shouldn't necessarily be anyone else's business.”

Really? Try telling that to the many LGBT employees who have found themselves suddenly without a job in Catholic institutions, when the institutions made it their business to focus on the sexual orientation of the employee they fired.

I’m frankly appalled at articles like this—at the waste of time and energy, the naked politicking on behalf of politicians and programs that don’t deserve church support, at the mendacity and the refusal to see the beam in the episcopal eye. I'm appalled at the continuing attempt of some Catholic bishops to drive their flocks to the polls so that they will vote Republican, when the current administration, whom they clamored for the faithful to elect, has done such a conspicuously horrible job of exhibiting values consonant with those the Catholic church claims to defend.

As to the beam in the episcopal eye, do bishops not have enough business of their own to mind these days, given what we now know about the widespread abuse of children by Catholic clergy? And what we are learning about the filching of parish and diocesan funds by priests all over the nation, including in Florida?

Along those lines, get a gander at the faces of two Florida priests (from the diocese just south of Wenski’s) against whom grand-theft charges have just been refiled in Florida. These two gentlemen (whose pictures are at the head of this posting) were pastors in Palm Beach. They are alleged to have stolen some $6.6 million in parish funds over the years.

With clerical problems like this, Bishop Wenski, do you and your brother bishops really need to be attacking the gays? Really?

Please, sir, get your own (glass) house in order first. Then I might listen to you.

But not as long as you continue participating in discriminatory actions against gay employees of institutions sponsored by your church and other churches.