Saturday, March 21, 2009

The Curious Misplacing of Priests and Deacons: A Connectict Case

Funny thing about that story out of Connecticut which I noted yesterday. As my posting says, on Wednesday, Connecticut police announced that they had arrested Timothy Kane of New Britain for alleged threats of violence against lawmakers Andrew McDonald and Michael Lawlor (here). McDonald and Lawlor are openly gay. The two have been targeted by Bishop William Lori of the Diocese of Bridgeport and Archbishop Charles Chaput of the Archdiocese of Denver, in these two prelates’ battle against Connecticut legislation to provide lay oversight of finances of Catholic parishes (here and here).

And here’s the funny thing. Now that it has been discovered that the person who apparently emailed a death threat to the two openly gay legislators targeted by Bishop Lori and Archbishop Chaput was a Catholic deacon’s son, no one seems to know much about that deacon or where to find him. Brian Lockhart reports that Michael Culhane, executive director of the Connecticut Catholic Conference, says he once knew Deacon Joseph Kane, but hasn’t been in touch with him for a few years, and has no recollection of the parish in which Kane served as deacon (here).

Lockhart notes that Culhane identifies Joseph Kane as a “former” deacon. He also indicates that Joseph Kane could not be reached for comment, and that a staff person at St. Jerome Catholic church in New Britain, where Kane had served as deacon, did not know how to get in touch with him.

Curious, isn’t it? A lost deacon. One of the patterns noted by those collecting data on clerical abuse of minors in the Catholic church is a pattern of extreme absentmindedness on the part of Catholic officials, when it comes to knowing where priests with a history of abuse have ended up. Those priests seem routinely to disappear, and church officials often have strangely little information about where they have ended up and what they are doing, once they have disappeared.

Please note: I am not suggesting that Deacon Kane has any history of abuse of minors. I know nothing about Joseph Kane, except what I have read in news stories recently.

What I am pointing to is the, well, slipshod way dioceses seem to have of misplacing the ordained who are or have been under their supervision. When trouble arises, dioceses seem often conveniently to have lost a priest or deacon whom the media wants to interview.

It’s mysterious that this appears to have happened in the case of Deacon Joseph Kane, since he is, after all, a deacon, an ordained member of the church. If Brian Lockhart is correct in noting that the executive director of Connecticut’s Catholic Conference, Michael Culhane, refers to Kane as a former deacon, then it appears Culhane’s sacramental theology is surprisingly off-key, for someone holding such a position of authority in a Catholic diocese.

Catholic sacramental theology has long maintained that those ordained priests and deacons are always priests and deacons. The old way of talking about ordination to the priesthood and diaconate spoke of ordination as placing an “indelible” mark on the soul of the one ordained. A mark that cannot be washed off . . . . Ever . . . .

Once a priest, always a priest. Once a deacon, always a deacon.

Joseph Kane cannot be a former deacon, according to Catholic theology. He may well be a retired deacon, but a deacon he remains, a member of the select rank of the ordained in the Catholic church, its ruling elite, from which one can never “resign,” in the sense that one may remove the indelible mark inked by the sacrament of ordination on his soul.

No, the church can never disown a priest or a deacon, such that a priest or deacon becomes a “former” priest or deacon. Which is one reason the curious ability of dioceses to lose priests or deacons when it appears convenient to do so has mystified those seeking to track priests who are reported to have abused minors.

It seems the church proudly claims its ordained members when something is to be gained by doing so, but quickly distances itself from the ordained when it serves the church’s interest to do so. In this case, one must lament the inability of Deacon Joseph Kane to be found and interviewed, because the discovery that the son of a Catholic deacon is the one who has allegedly made a death threat against two gay legislators underscores in the most dramatic way possible what I’ve been saying day after day recently about the dangerous firestorm two Catholic bishops have lit by fanning flames of anti-gay rhetoric.

Bishops rule over and set the tone for those next in command in the church: for priests and deacons. And priests and deacons set the tone for those under their command, the humble laity. That tone needs to be determined first and foremost by the gospel and the values of the gospel, if bishops hope to fulfill their pastoral charge and lead the flock in the direction they are called to take it, towards Christ rather than away from him.

Friday, March 20, 2009

An Open Letter to the Catholic Bishops of the U.S.: Stop Immoral Political Use of Gay Human Beings

For an update to this post noting the arrest of a Connecticut man who allegedly emailed death threats to the two openly gay legislators targeted by Bishop Lori and Archbishop Chaput, see below.*

On March 13, I described in detail how two American Catholic bishops, William Lori of Bridgeport, CT, and Charles Chaput of Denver, CO, recently made immoral political use of gay human beings and gay lives in their battle against legislation in CT that had nothing to do with gay issues (here).


Though Chaput is not in Connecticut and has no ecclesiastical jurisdiction there, he helped organize a nation-wide letter-writing and phone-in campaign to combat the proposed legislation in Connecticut.

In this posting, I am proposing a similar campaign to call on the U.S. Catholic bishops to exercise fraternal correction when any of their brother bishops fan the flames of homophobia and attack gay human beings as these two bishops have recently done.


Please feel free to send the letter below, or your own letter, to Bishop Lori, Archbishop Chaput, and Cardinal Francis George, President of the U.S. Catholic Bishops' Conference. I have provided contact information beneath the letter. I will be grateful to readers who help circulate this posting, too.


An Open Letter to the Catholic Bishops of the United States

Re: Immoral Use of Gay Human Beings in Catholic Political Initiatives

Dear Bishops:

I am sending this letter to express my dismay at how some bishops have recently used gay human beings to further those bishops’ political ends.

I am referring specifically to Bishop William Lori of Bridgeport, CT, and Archbishop Charles Chaput of Denver, CO. When a bill to place Catholic parish finances under lay supervision was brought to the Connecticut legislative judiciary committee recently, both bishops deliberately fanned the flames of anti-gay prejudice in order to stir discontent with the proposed legislation.

Please see my detailed account of how Bishop Lori and Archbishop Charles Chaput used gay human beings as objects in their battle against the proposed legislation in Connecticut (here).

This use of human beings as objects in political games is deeply immoral, particularly when one considers that those being used in this way are already subject to social scorn and marginalization. No follower of Jesus has any business behaving as Bishop Lori and Archbishop Chaput have done in recent days, as they resorted to gay-baiting to further political causes that have little to do with the gay persons targeted by these bishops.

Such immoral use of people subject to stigmatization elicits further prejudice and often results in violence of various kinds, ranging from outright assault to increased social scorn, against those identified as despised objects by political or religious authorities.*

I am writing to appeal to you to exercise fraternal correction and to call on your brother bishops to stop stirring prejudice against and hatred of those who are gay or lesbian. I also respectfully ask you as bishops to own your responsibility for the widespread misappropriation of parish and diocesan funds that are entirely under your control as bishops, and the abuse of minors by clerics.

These occurrences are not the responsibility of gay and lesbian persons. They are your responsibility. They originate in a system that unjustly places all ecclesial power in the hands of clerics. And they have been tragically compounded by your refusal to be transparent and accountable about these issues as you have dealt with them for many years now.

The abandonment of pastoral responsibility that leads to these lamentable departures from Christian ethics belongs to you: it is your abandonment of responsibility, and your continued defense of clericalism in the church of Vatican II, which are causing these wounds to fester in the body of Christ.

Gay human beings are not responsible for these wounds in the body of Christ. Nor are we responsible for your lapses in pastoral leadership. It is deeply unjust and deeply anti-Christian for you to seek to use gay human beings to cover over your pastoral shortcomings, as objects in political games that have little to do with gay human beings.

Thank you for considering this appeal to exercise fraternal correction when any of your brother bishops attack gay persons in the ugly way in which Bishop Lori and Archbishop Chaput have done recently. This behavior has no place in the body of Christ, and will not restore people’s waning confidence in the moral authority and ethical commitment of the pastors of the church.

Respectfully,

Signed

Contact Information:

Bishop William E. Lori
Diocese of Bridgeport
238 Jewett Ave
Bridgeport, CT 06606
http://www.bridgeportdiocese.com/contact_us.shtml
203-416-1352

Archbishop Charles J. Chaput
Archdiocese of Denver
1300 South Steele Street
Denver, CO 80210
shepherd@archden.org
303-715-3129

Cardinal Francis George
Archdiocese of Chicago
835 N. Rush St., Chicago, IL 60611-2030
312-751-8220

*Such violence is already in evidence as a result of Bishop Lori and Archbishop Chaput's recent words and actions. See
here. On March 19, Connecticut police arrested Timothy Kane, son of Catholic deacon Joseph Kane, for alleged death threats emailed to McDonald and Lawlor, following Bishop Lori's and Archbishop Chaput's use of anti-gay rhetoric and tactics in the Connecticut legislative battle (see here).

CEOs, Meritocracy, and Values in Higher Education: The Witness of Mary McLeod Bethune

CNBC telejournalist Mark Haines made an interesting comment yesterday about the big men and women on top of the corporate world, and what they think they are owed for being on top (here). In an interview with Rep. Charlie Rangel, Haines stated,

But you can’t really, it seems to me, expect that these Wall Street companies are going to be run well by a bunch of people who don’t make more than $250,000.

As I have noted, this myth of “pay-for-performance meritocracy” has also invaded American higher education, with disastrous results (here). As in corporate culture, increasingly in American higher education, there is the presupposition that the big woman or man on top deserves big bucks because she/he merits them—works harder, achieves more, is more ruthless about decision-making than anyone beneath her or him. This presupposition enters American higher education through governing boards, which are dominated by those imbued with the mentality of corporate culture.

As my numerous postings about this problem have noted (see, e.g., here), the adoption of a corporate model of pay-for-performance meritocracy in university leadership has assured that universities today are sometimes run by ruthless, power-hungry, egotists who do not understand or value academic life. When those academic big women or big men on top lead church-owned universities, they often sell out the core values of the faith-based university as they apply their business model to education. Their attitudes towards co-workers, their respect for the human rights of their employees, their commitment to collaboration, to mission, to empowering others: these often shockingly contradict the core values of the institutions they claim to serve, and of the social principles of the churches that own these universities.

The imposition of a top-down meritocratic model of management in universities—a model totally unsuited to the mission of a university—threatens academic freedom, since the control techniques employed by corporate managers prioritize conformity to the imperatives of the big woman or man on top, rather than pursuit of the truth. The top-down meritocratic management model is also inimical to collegiality, to the formation of communities of free, shared discourse of colleagues seeking the truth together. By their very existence, such collegial communities of discourse—which are the lifeblood of academic life—are a threat to the big woman or man on top who is intent on controlling others, in order to dominate and stay on top.

The damning faults of the grotesque hybrid created by the union of a corporate business model and the ideals of higher education are becoming increasingly apparent in this period of economic downturn, when many universities are reporting major losses in their endowments. Reports about the effects of this downturn on universities are everywhere: faculty workloads are increasing; salaries are being frozen and tenure put on hold; faculty are receiving imperatives from on high to teach ever-increasing numbers of students with ever dwindling resources.

And as these challenges to the pursuit of academic excellence face teachers in many universities—serious, fundamental challenges—the salaries of top administrators lincluding presidents and CFOs do not diminish, but in many cases, are even being augmented (see, e.g., here).

Something is wrong with this picture. Seriously wrong. As I think about Mark Haines’ absurd claim that you can’t really expect Wall Street companies to be well run by those who don’t make more than $250,000, I renew my call to President Obama and others with the ability to make constructive changes in American higher education to look critically at the negative effects of the top-down, meritocratic business model of leadership in American higher education.

As I note in my open letter to President Obama on the occasion of his public forum at Bethune-Cookman University last September (see, e.g., here), prophetic leaders of higher education such as the founder of that university, Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune, point the way to a viable future for American higher education by emphasizing the values on which higher education is based. In her “Spiritual Autobiography” Dr. Bethune notes, “In this atomic age, when one small materialistic possession has wrought fear among peoples of the world, I am convinced that leadership must strive hard to show the value of these spiritual tools which are as real as anything we touch or feel, and far more powerful.”

Dr. Bethune constantly insisted that higher education is foundational for American democracy, precisely because of its emphasis on values. She noted that universities play a premier role in assuring the success of democracy by imparting to students the values essential to a culture of civic virtue. And she recognized that those values have to be lived first and foremost by leaders in higher education, by faculty and presidents and CFOs and boards of trustees.

Pay-for-performance meritocracy betrays core values of academic life and undermines civic virtue. In this period when the excesses of corporate CEOs are being carefully considered by the public at large and when the bogus claims to meritocracy of the corporate elite are being exposed, it is high time for a similar reappraisal of the meritocratic claims of the CEOs of American higher education.

Bishops Say, People Do: Arrest of Hate Emailer in Connecticut

My recent open letter to the U.S. Catholic bishops links anti-gay statements made lately by Bishop William Lori of Bridgeport, Connecticut, and Archbishop Charles Chaput of Denver, Colorado, to violence against gay and lesbian persons. My letter states,

Such immoral use of people subject to stigmatization elicits further prejudice and often results in violence of various kinds, ranging from outright assault to increased social scorn, against those identified as despised objects by political or religious authorities (here).

As a follow-up to that discussion, I reported earlier this week that the two openly gay Connecticut lawmakers targeted by Lori and Chaput in their campaign to resist lay oversight of parish finances, Andrew McDonald and Mike Lawlor, received a flood of hate mail (emails and conventional letters) following Lori and Chaput’s statements (here).

My posting notes that police were investing one email, in particular, which they considered a death threat, and which used the word “kill” in relation to the two lawmakers.

Yesterday, police arrested the person who allegedly made this email death threat. He is one Timothy Kane of New Britain, Connecticut, 26 years old. (here)

Oh, and by the way, his father Joseph Kane is a Catholic deacon.

When bishops fan flames of hatred and violence, people act out hatred and violence. For which bishops are then responsible.

Condoms Cause AIDS: The Cruel, Twisted "Logic" of Right-Wing Christian Opposition to Condoms

22 million people have got AIDS now because of the condom campaign. It’s making it worse, not better!

I blogged recently about the maleficent right-wing discourse that forms the backdrop to the pope’s recent statement that condoms do not inhibit the spread of AIDS but make the epidemic worse (here). As my posting notes, centrist American Catholic apologists for Benedict and the status quo are deliberately missing the point, when they ask what the pope could have, might have, must have meant by his remarks about condoms and AIDS.

The pope’s intent in stating that condom use does not solve but deepens the AIDS crisis is clearly evident in the bogus science and cruel ideological distortions promoted by right-wing political and religious groups who adamantly oppose distribution of condoms in Africa and elsewhere. One of those ideologues appeared on British television this week: Joanna Bogle, a Catholic journalist and theology student at Maryvale Institute in Birmingham, England. The statements that form the epigraph of this posting—22 million people have got AIDS now because of the condom campaign; [condoms are ] making it worse—are from a panel discussion recently moderated by Jon Snow on a British television station (here).

Following her embarrassing rant on Jon Snow’s program, Joanna Bogle has continued fiercely to defend her position that condoms are causing the AIDS crisis, not addressing it. She defends this position on her blog against fellow Catholics who do not subscribe to her extreme ideological position, and who tell her she is an embarrassment to them as Catholics.

In response to these critics, Bogle states,

Distribution of condoms has led to an overall widespread increase in casual sexual contacts, as people have been told that casual sex can now be made "safe". . . .

So promotion of any policy that promotes increased sexual encounters is going to increase the overall chances of further AIDS cases day by day.

The Church offers a 100 per cent measure that will protect you from AIDS - no sexual contact with an infected person. (
here).

Bogle also maintains that her primary interest vis-a-vis condoms concern for those dying of AIDS (here). In opposing the availability and distribution of condoms—passionately so—and in promoting what she characterizes as “the” Catholic position and the Holy Father’s position—Bogle is only trying to save lives, and to succor those now dying of AIDS.

Something is clearly wrong with this picture. And it baffles (and appalls) me that American Catholics of the center apparently don’t see this, just as they apparently do not see the sharp knives hidden in other aspects of traditional Catholic sexual morality. This is another of those cases in which Catholic sexual morality, in all its far-flung implications, simply misses the point—spectacularly so. Human experience and human behavior do not conform to rational schemes imposed from on high by those who know better than the mere mortals with whose lives they are playing as they impose their rational absolutes.

The “logic” of the position Bogle is defending (and this is, indeed, the position Benedict promotes with his comments, notwithstanding the attempts of my centrist brothers and sisters to spin his words in a more moderate direction) could not be starker, clearer—and more wrong:

1. People get AIDS through sexual contact.
2. Increase the possibility of casual sexual contact, and you increase the possibility that AIDS will spread.
3. The only absolute safeguard against the spread of AIDS is abstinence and/or monogamous sex within one relationship for life.
4. People who get AIDS have behaved immorally, because they have not been abstinent and/or have violated their monogamous marital relationship.

Logical, no? Ironclad in its demonstrable proofs, no? And totally wrongheaded? Yes, absolutely so.

People do not behave like logical automatons. People's behavior cannot be predicted logically in the same way that one can predict the trajectory of a pinball launched into a pinball machine. People are unpredictable. People are weak. People do what is unexpected. People know better but do not always do better.

When one takes those incontrovertible facts about human behavior and translates them into a situation in which unpredictability, weakness, inability to do what is logically correct and mandated from on high may expose people to death, one has a strong, overriding moral responsibility to prevent death. Even if preventing death means questioning less compelling moral norms such as the obligation to be chaste. The opposition of right-wing Christian ideologues to condom use in the AIDS epidemic is all about increasing the chances that people will die, while we uphold doctrinal purity in the most draconian ideological way possible.

And it's not just “immoral” people who “deservedly” get AIDS who will die Innocent people. Babies who become infected even before they have been born. Women whose husbands sleep with someone infected with HIV and then have sex with their wives. Prostitutes whose livelihood depends on having sex and who have little control over the decisions of those with whom they have sex—who may, in fact, be coerced by their clients. People who are raped and coerced into having sex. Teens just discovering erotic drives and lacking sound information about all that is entailed in their choice (or propulsion) to be sexually active.

These are the people right-wing Christian ideologues would expose to lethal illness—to death—by their insistence that condoms are part of the problem and not the solution to the AIDS crisis. These are the people about whom they claim to care, as they crusade against condoms.

These human beings are clearly simply the human fallout in ideological wars that have nothing at all to do with the human beings who happen to die in these wars. The resistance to condoms in places like Africa is not, ultimately and sadly, about Africans, or poor people, or women (or girls) coerced into having sex in brutally patriarchal cultures in which women do not have the power to say no.

This resistance is all about keeping Catholic sexual morality hard, fast, and secure in the developing nations of the world. It is a resistance to the control that more and more women have over their destinies, bodies, and reproductive lives since the advent of the birth control pill. It is, above all, an adamant, cruel, opposition to the claims of gay and lesbian brothers and sisters on the rest of the body of Christ.

What Benedict and Joanna Bogle are defending is ideology, not the gospel. An ideology that they intend to maintain at all cost, as if the church's future and the whole meaning of the gospel depends on that immutable ideology. Because they have invested everything in this ideology. Because they believe that questioning it or allowing others to question it will lead to crucial changes in church and society that they do not intend to permit. Because questioning or allowing others to question this ideology may open the door to women's empowerment in the Catholic church and to the welcome of gay and lesbian human beings.

When any ideology finds its way to the top of the canon of revealed truth—though it is not revealed truth—and when that ideology clearly links to callousness about the lives of real human beings, innocent human beings, weak and fallible human beings—we have departed from the gospels. Nothing about the insistence that condoms do not prevent but help spread AIDS is rooted in the gospels—despite the loud insistence of those promoting this position that it is the only valid, the only thinkable, Catholic position.

Thursday, March 19, 2009

Making Solidarity with Gay Family Members: Robb Forman Dew's "The Family Heart"

I’ve just finished reading Robb Forman Dew’s The Family Heart: A Memoir of When Our Son Came Out (NY: Ballantine, 1995). As with anything she writes, it is finely crafted, insightful, and humane. It’s also a multi-faceted story of one mother’s (and an entire family’s) struggle to cope with the announcement of a son that he is gay.

When their son Stephen told them he was gay, Robb Forman Dew and her husband Charles set forth on a resolute, and sometimes painful, journey. They committed themselves to understand their son’s life as a gay man—as completely as they could understand from the outside. Dew tells the story of that journey with searing honesty. She admits her initial clumsiness at dealing with her son, her growing awareness that, though she is a white affluent woman whose husband is a professor and who lives among some of the most highly educated people in the nation in New England, she was woefully ignorant about what it means to live as a gay or lesbian person in America today.

The memoir chronicles Dew’s attempt to educate herself, to understand, to learn ways of coping with and challenging the pervasive homophobia of which she became aware as she began to struggle to see life through her son Stephen’s eyes. Dew’s journey became a journey of solidarity: not one of mere affirmation from a distance, of “acceptance” that keeps a despised object at arm’s length, of self-congratulatory “tolerance” that, in the very act of patting oneself on the back for one's tolerance, absolves one of any struggle to stand in solidarity with the one whom one “supports.” When Dew’s eyes were opened regarding the powerful mechanisms by which gay and lesbian Americans are demeaned and discriminated against daily in our culture, she became a courageous activist for gay rights. She stood with her son and took arrows herself, as she called on groups of which she was a part, and in which her voice might make a difference, to stop oppressing.

One aspect of Dew’s book that particularly grabs my attention is its masterful depiction of the insidious, omnipresent homophobia that lingers in our society even among those who think of themselves as the most enlightened and educated members of our society—the cultural arbiters for whom prejudice is somebody else's problem. Dew describes in careful detail her attempt and her husband’s to combat outright, unabashed homophobic discrimination in a leading New England ivy-league university, a supposed bastion of tolerance and high culture, as well as in an elite boarding school.

Dew incises in sharp, unsparing prose her conversations with members of her community—white, Anglo, highly educated—who shocked her when they let their guard down and told her how they really felt about gay human beings, and what they really believed about the lives and nature of those who are gay. The same people who (rightly) decry the racist balderdash of many of us in the American South, and who (rightly) note the ignorance from which Southern racism proceeds . . . but who, if Dew’s account is correct, seem unable to recognize that the dynamics they are decrying in others trouble their own lives in a way they do not wish to understand.

As Dew notes, the experience of someone making solidarity with those who are gay—the experience of someone who commits herself to struggle against oppression with those who are gay—is not uniform. Though some highly placed and purportedly well-educated members of her New England community shocked her by their commitment to ignorance and oppression, many others heartened her by their willingness to stand in solidarity with her. And these included not merely those one would have predicted as allies—members of her husband’s university community, for instance—but people one might have expected not to sympathize and understand, those scorned by the highly educated members of her community as uneducated and common.

I highly recommend Robb Forman Dew’s book. As she herself notes, the book does not provide much insight into what it means to come out from the viewpoint of the person declaring herself or himself to be gay. But it does provide an important and compelling description of the dynamics through which family members in solidarity with a gay sibling or parent struggle to understand and support. And it provides a crucially important snapshot of hidden, lethal, and, one suspects, continuing homophobia among an elite sector of American society with strong political and cultural influence, whose historic commitment to education and social justice stands in shameful contrast to its sometimes lukewarm commitment to gay rights at this point in American history.

Dirty Gays, Clean Church: Mechanisms of Ritual Abuse and Expulsion in Light of the Gospels

I’ve blogged previously about a writing project in which I’m involved. It tells the story of a branch of my family that lived on both sides of the color line in the 19th-century South, in Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas. That project is on my mind these days, since I completed a lengthy article about this story several weeks ago, and am now working through some fallout from the article.

That fallout is part of a larger configuration of events and forces in my life lately. Or so it seems. I struggle to do the best I can with the hand I’ve been dealt. And it is a struggle—no way around it. To be gay in our society, to acknowledge who one is and refuse to apologize, opens one to ongoing experiences of oppression and struggle that just does not cease, because the oppression does not cease. As I respond to this calling, it seems important to give as much as I can to others—to alleviate the burdens of others, to combat those who deliberately produce my oppression and that of others to try to wake conscience in those who have the ability to create conditions in which oppressors will find it less easy to lay unjust burdens on the backs of others.

Lately, my giving seems to provoke angry responses. I do not know why this is the case. I only know that it has happened in recent weeks—again and again and again. I offer people a gift and they respond by picking to pieces what I have given them, throwing it back in my face, and telling me I am inadequate.

There is evidently some karmic lesson to be learned here. I am still trying to learn it.

Something of this sort happened with the article I just completed, about the remarkable family that succeeded against tremendous odds in maintaining a family life across racial lines in a culture bitterly hostile to families of mixed racial ancestry. As I think I have mentioned on this blog, the documents that enable me to tell this fascinating story fell into my lap a few years ago, when cousins descended from the white planter who is my long-ago uncle and his spouse of color contacted me and generously made their documents available to me.

Letters from the 1850s to the 1890s; photographs; bible registers; school reports: you name it, this family has held onto its historical artifacts, and they tell an engrossing tale. As I pored over what these cousins shared with me, it began to be apparent to me that this was a story of unusual significance, one whose ramifications they themselves might well be missing, since their families had “passed” from the 1850s, living as white people after having escaped the oppressive racial conditions of the South.

These cousins did not understand the significance of the term “mulatto,” the racial category by which their female ancestor and her children were designated on the census. They spoke of American Indian roots. They developed theories that perhaps several of the children of the white father of the family had African blood. But not their ancestor. He was a half-brother of those siblings, born to the white wife of the planter patriarch.

As gently as I knew how—and because they had asked me to comment on and explain the significance of their documents—I explained to my newfound cousins that the term “mulatto” was used on censuses from 1850 forward exclusively to designate those of mixed ancestry who had any proportion of African blood. I pointed out that the letters they had so lovingly preserved indicated that the white father and mother of color had sent their children north for schooling and freedom at precisely the time in which Arkansas was passing laws which required all free people of color to leave the state or be re-enslaved. I discussed the abundance of evidence these cousins’ documents contained, of the painful decision of a father and mother to part with their adolescent children, to set them up on land away from home, to see them educated in one of the few schools in the nation that accepted children of color.

The painful decision to part with their children forever, since there was no assurance that these children of mixed ancestry who had left the racially oppressive South could safely return home . . . . The letters indicate, in fact, that the oldest son, who most successfully left behind his African-American heritage in Ohio and Iowa, did not come home for thirty years, until the summer before his mother died. It would have been dangerous for him to do so, as a man of mixed ancestry now passing for white in the North, with a white wife and children regarded as white in the community in which he lived.

As I talked with my newly met cousins about all of this, I realized that they understood and at the same time did not understand. Discovering something about ourselves that we have partly glimpsed, but have not wanted to see, because that something is regarded as shameful and as a taint, is not easy. It takes time to see. It takes time to admit, to live comfortably into the implications of a discovery that turns our life upside down—and which makes us suddenly susceptible to discrimination.

Before I began writing about this family, I secured the permission of my cousins. I did not want to—I absolutely would not—betray their generosity in sharing their materials with me, by publishing a story they did not want to have told. They gladly agreed to my writing the story. I told them that, if they wished, I would list them as co-authors of anything I published, since I could not have written anything without their assistance.

And so when I completed the article—forty pages, the preliminary to a book-length study, I hope—I sent it to them for their perusal. And found that they were still uncomfortable with the story as I had told it—with the story as their own documents tell it. They continued to insist that their ancestor was not a child by the spouse of color (though the bible record they themselves had shared with me, in the handwriting of the white planter who fathered six children by a free woman of color, clearly indicated that their ancestor was the son of the white planter and his wife of color). A woman he could not ever legally marry, due to the miscegenation laws that prohibited interracial marriage in that time and place, but a woman with whom he lived in an open, faithful marital union for 50 years . . . .

This has led to several weeks of back-and-forth phone calls and emails about the article, in which my cousins have sent information seeking to explain their interpretation of the data, and in which I keep pointing to the data itself, and what it clearly says. As we worked through these issues, I re-read Shirlee Taylor Haizlip’s The Sweeter the Juice, a beautiful, painful chronicle of her attempt to re-establish bonds with her mother’s siblings who had repudiated her mother and that branch of their family, when they made the decision to “pass” as white.

Haizlip’s account reminded me again of how difficult this struggle to live with an unwanted or misunderstood and stigmatized part of ourselves can be. As I thought about that, I wrote my cousins to tell them I would gladly withdraw the article from the publisher who had promised long ago to publish it. Or, if they preferred, I would remove any reference to their names in the article.

They emailed back immediately to tell me no, of course not. They are proud of their family. They want to see the article published. And they are grateful that I have worked hard to weave their documents into a story that finally makes sense.

As they emailed me about this, they said something that speaks loudly and clearly about how difficult this struggle of claiming our identity can be, when that identity is subject to scorn: they told me that their father lived with great pain for many years in his small Midwestern town, because of people’s lack of understanding of his background. This admission tells me that they have known, without knowing that they knew: they have known that their white ancestry runs back to a woman with African blood, even as they have told themselves that they do not have racially mixed ancestry.

(As we all do, since the myth of a pure race is a lie, since we all share the same DNA and ultimately descend from the same African woman far back in the mists of time, and since—as Haizlip notes—those of us with colonial American roots almost always have, whether we know it or not, African blood somewhere in our bloodlines.)

And so this journey with my cousins in recent days has made me think about churches and how they behave. In what the churches do to gay human beings today, there is a very strong assumption that people bearing a blot ought not to be welcome in the Christian community, because they pollute that community and taint its sacred spaces. This deep anthropological sense of pollution is at the heart of what the churches do to gay folks today, and why they feel justified in behaving as they do.

There is, running strongly through the thinking and behavior of many Christians today, the assumption that if the churches can identify the blot of sin in one stigmatized group and can exclude that group, the churches will be free of sin. We place our sins on someone else—someone easy to scapegoat—and then we exclude that demeaned object in ugly public rituals of humiliation, and we assure our own righteousness in doing this.

As I think about these mechanisms of projecting guilt onto despised others, it strikes me that the churches have somehow failed—at a very fundamental level—to catechize their members. They have failed—at the most fundamental level possible—to read the gospels to their communities.

The gospels make it very plain that we are all tainted, that we all share the blot of sin. The gospels indicate that we are invited to communion with God and with other sinners who welcome God's love precisely because we are sinners. We are loved by God as sinners, because we are sinners, not because we are pure and righteous.

The gospels decry, over and over, my attempt to use you as an object, as a scapegoat which gives me the illusion that I am clean because I have succeeded in making you dirty. The gospels place a mirror in front of me so that I realize that the moment I seek to engage in such scapegoating, I have revealed not your sin, but my own.

It is hard to imagine that those “pastoral” leaders of the church who stir hatred against gay persons today have read the gospels. Or that, if they have done so, they really believe the gospels and take them seriously.

The church today faces a very serious challenge, vis-à-vis gay human beings. This is not so much the challenge of refraining from doing harm, of welcoming, of binding up wounds. It is the much more serious challenge of learning to read the gospels again, and of helping to catechize believers who, for several generations now, have been permitted to nurse attitudes towards a selected group of their brothers and sisters that are radically inconsistent with the gospels and with the life of Jesus.